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Learn about horrendous crimes, unscrupulous criminals, and corrupt politicians and lawyers who control the legal profession in Australia. Shameful, hideous, and treacherous are just a few words that describe these lawbreakers.
 
Shameful, hideous, and treacherous are just a few words that describe these lawbreakers. Terms such as "Gross Government Corruption," "Bribery," and "Kickbacks" have become all too prevalent in arbitration and mediation in Australia. Government Corruption. Corruption in the public service, where misleading and deceptive conduct has spuriously been interwoven to thwart the course of justice in the system of arbitration in Australia. These acts of corruption are often accompanied by fraud, extortion, and collusion, creating a toxic environment where narcissistic profiteering thrives.
 
The narcotic grip of bribery and graft undermines public trust and perpetuates injustice. Such criminal profiteering is not only shameful but also hideous in its impact on society, eroding the foundations of fairness and accountability. The systemic nature of these crimes reveals a pattern of deceit and treachery that demands urgent reform and transparency to restore integrity to the arbitration process. 
 
Until the late 1990s, the Australian government owned both the national telephone network and Telecom (now Telstra). Telecom held a monopoly and allowed the network to deteriorate. When our businesses collapsed under the weight of faulty telephone services, we turned to a government‑endorsed arbitration process for help. Instead, we walked into an uneven battle we could never win. Our phone faults were never fixed. Our evidence was withheld. Our integrity was attacked. Our livelihoods were destroyed.
 
We lost millions—our health deteriorated, and many lost their marriages, homes, and futures. Yet, the architects of this betrayal, who have manipulated the system for over two decades, remained entrenched in positions of power until the deal they struck with the inexperienced Senator Barnaby Joyce unravelled as the following link 'The eighth remedy pursued' shows.

This failure wasn’t due to any wrongdoing on Senator Joyce’s part; in his naivety, he placed his trust in a Liberal Government rife with deception.

 
The Liberal Government committed a grave injustice against the people of Australia. Rather than addressing the Telstra COT arbitration scandal, which Senator Joyce sought to rectify with his pivotal vote, the John Howard Government prioritised Telstra's privatisation, showing blatant disregard for the lives affected by their actions. Their treachery is nothing short of outrageous.
 
While most of the victims of the COT cases have tragically passed away without the chance to share their stories, silenced for nearly three decades, we must shine a light on this corruption. Through my account on absentjustice.com, we can expose the deceit and finally tell our story—the truth of what happened and how this betrayal has turned against those who orchestrated it.
 
 
Mutiny on The Bounty - Absent Justice

Rupert Murdoch -Telstra Scandal - Helen Handbury

 
Set Sail With My New Ebook — A Life at Sea, Told Through Food and Story
 
I’m thrilled to share my latest ebook, a collection drawn from three decades working as a ship’s cook and steward. This book isn’t just about recipes — though you’ll find plenty of those, from hearty shipboard staples to dishes shaped by distant ports. It’s also a window into the real life of a seaman: the long nights, the camaraderie, the storms weathered, and the unforgettable characters who drift in and out of a life spent at sea.

Every chapter blends culinary adventure with lived experience — the challenges, the humour, the close calls, and the moments of quiet reflection that only the ocean can offer. If you enjoy stories with salt on the breeze and a bit of truth in every line, this one’s for you.
 
Just a small scroll down this absentjustice.com home page and you’ll come across a true story where I unravel how I was frog‑marched off a British ship called Hopepeak in August 1967 during the Vietnam War, referred to as PART 2.
 
Our ship was unloading 13,600 tons of Australian wheat in communist China under the cloak of “humanitarian grounds.” The Cultural Revolution was in full swing. China was starving. And while I had never been in harsh combat fighting for my life, I genuinely believed I would be shot within the hour as an armed Red Guard gripped each of my arms, with a third behind me ready to smash my face with a baton if I stumbled — the same way they were about to treat one of their own peasants. That poor man even managed a smile at me as I fought to stop an unsterilised needle from being rammed into my arm, as I explain below in China Part 1.

My almost thirty years in the British and Australian merchant navy — including a stint on a Canadian oil rig during the Big Red firefighting days in the Bass Strait between Tasmania and Lakes Entrance — taught me that being a ship’s cook and steward came with its good days and its worst. The China episode was just one of many. Purchase my latest ebook and help me complete my fourth, which tells the story of how I became the founding member of a group of Australian land‑lovers who dared to challenge the then-government-owned telecommunications giant. We were small business people with phone problems in the 1990s, discriminated against while the bigger corporations, including Rupert Murdoch’s media empire, were favoured.

You can grab your copy here: → promoteyourstory.com.au 
 

 “The Way of the Sea” — A Shanty for a Cook of Thirty Years

Don't forget to hover your mouse over the following images as you scroll down this homepage.

 

Around the world in 80 dishes and a few disasters - Absent Justice (Verse 1)
Oh, I signed aboard as a galley lad, With a skillet, a knife, and a grin, Through thirty years of gales and storms, Where the sea decides who’ll win. From Fremantle’s heat to the cold North Sea, through ports where the wild winds blow, I learned my trade on a rolling deck, and the sea taught all I know.

  • (Chorus) So heave away, boys, heave away, For the truth rides every wave. The sea is the straightest life I’ve known, and the only one that saved. Wine and women and songs at night, and the dawn with a sailor’s plea— learned right from wrong on a heaving deck, for that’s the way of the sea.

(Verse 2)
In far‑off ports with lantern lights, where the taverns never sleep, I tasted life in a hundred ways that the land could never keep. But the sea was honest, hard, and fair. She’ll break you or set you free—And every scar on my weathered hands was earned with dignity.

  • (Chorus) So heave away, boys, heave away, For the truth rides every wave. The sea is the straightest life I’ve known, and the only one that saved. Wine and women and songs at night, and the dawn with a sailor’s plea— learned right from wrong on a heaving deck, for that’s the way of the sea. 

(Verse 3)
But when I stepped ashore at last, after thirty years afloat, I found no honour in the halls where the landbound men all gloat. I saw shadows behind their smiles, and deeds no man should see—Corruption deep as the ocean trench, and treachery running free. (Bridge) Oh, the sea may roar, and the sea may rage, but she never lies to me. It’s the land that twists a good man’s heart with its quiet cruelty.

  • (Final Chorus) So heave away, boys, heave away, For the truth rides every wave. The sea is the straightest life I’ve known, and the only one that saved wine and women and songs at night, and the dawn with a sailor’s plea— learned right from wrong on a heaving deck, for that’s the way of the sea.—On absentjustice.com, he writes of the way of the open sea  Alan Smith - 20/03/2026

Tampering with Evidence

One of the most genuine and trustworthy individuals I have ever had the privilege of knowing and collaborating with on a volunteer basis is Neil Jepson. Neil, a former barrister for the Major Fraud Unit of Victoria Police, played a pivotal role in illuminating a critical issue surrounding a particular report prepared by Bell Canada International Inc. This report, entitled "The Addendum Cape Bridgewater Report" and dated November 10, 1993, was erroneously employed on December 12, 1994, as a defence in arbitration. It claimed that 13,590 test calls conducted over a staggered five-day period, from November 4 to November 9, 1994, conclusively demonstrated that my business had not suffered from ongoing telephone problems. Unfortunately, the arbitrator accepted this misleading assertion as factual, stating in point 3.2 (h) of his award that my phone issues had ceased by July 1994. In fact, those problems continued for another nine years after that point.  

It is crucial to note that none of the purported 13,590 test calls was generated using the CCS7 testing equipment, as claimed by Bell Canada International.

When I showed Neil the method by which I reached this conclusion, he began to appreciate the broader implications. He recognised that testing conducted by the government communications authority on the same telephone switch exchanges had also been grossly inaccurate. Their official testing, as documented in the AUSTEL COT Cases Report of April 1994, supported claims that there were no issues of the magnitude I had alleged, misleadingly suggesting that my complaints were unfounded. This report was also presented to the same arbitrator, who had been misled into believing that the NEAT testing provided a reasonable assessment that absolved Telstra of responsibility for the ongoing issues. It became evident that this government report was no different from the flawed tests conducted by Bell Canada International at the Cape Bridgewater switching telephone exchange.

Motivated by my findings, Neil Jepson reached out and asked if I would assist the Major Fraud group in evaluating two additional reports. I willingly agreed, only to uncover that those two reports were similarly fabricated. Telstra, fully aware of their fraudulent nature, submitted these reports to the arbitrator with the intent of perverting the course of justice.

The four reports I prepared for the Major Fraud Group contained devastating evidence against Telstra that, if utilised by a competent lawyer, could have cast significant doubt on all other reports relied upon by Telstra during at least twelve arbitration and mediation processes. Sadly, due to the weight of this evidence, the Fraud Group's investigation was abruptly abandoned. While some may argue that it was my evidence that the government and Telstra could not afford to make public, no justifiable reason has ever been provided to any of us who dedicated over 12 months of our lives to this investigation alongside a dedicated team from Victoria Police.

What remains undeniable is that, after reviewing the evidence I presented to the Major Fraud Group between 1999 and 2001, as well as to the government from February to September 2006, it is clear that my claims have merit.

I invite you to continue exploring the homepage at absentjustice.com, where you can weigh the validity of my claims for yourself. If you have any questions, comments, or require assistance, please feel free to reach out through our contact page.

 

Absent Justice - Bell Canada International

 

I also shared this evidence with the Canadian government, demonstrating the corruption within some of Canada’s larger telecommunications companies. Their reply — shown below — confirms that this story reaches far beyond Australia’s borders.

I believe you are taking the most appropriate course of action

I have never received a written response from Bell Canada International Inc. (BCI, but the Canadian government ministers’ office wrote back on 7 July 1995, noting:

"In view of the facts of this situation, as I understand them, I believe you are taking the most appropriate course of action in contacting BCI directly with respect to the alleged errors in their test report, should you feel that they could assist you in your case."  

The documents I uncovered showed that if I had accessed this information during my arbitration — when I rightfully requested it under the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act — or had received it during my ongoing appeal process, which the Canadian Government was morally trying to assist me with, it would have been enough to overturn the unjust dismissal of my claims. This information had the power to expose Telstra’s unlawful use of Bell Canada International’s testing and would have significantly strengthened my position in the pending appeal. The entire situation reflects corruption and a cover‑up so blatant that it forces me to question the integrity of those responsible for ensuring fairness in the arbitration process.

This narrative is not just a personal tale; it is a grotesque nightmare, a cinematic tragedy that has haunted us for decades. With the evidence laid out on my website — without which no one would believe the horrors described — we stand on the brink of exposing a reality so corrupt and treacherous that it demands attention. My book, The Arbitraitor, delves deep into these dark truths, revealing the injustices we endured and perhaps finally leading us toward the closure we have long sought.

In the end, it was not only the Canadian Government that recognised the seriousness of what had occurred. Another Canadian company, the DMR Group, also attempted to assist me in exposing the Bell Canada International fraud. Their willingness to engage — despite Australian authorities' refusal — stands as a stark reminder of who sought justice and who worked tirelessly to bury it.

 

Canadian Flag - Absent Justice

 

Consider the role of Canadian seamen, whose actions are examined in detail in the chapters on communist China and North Vietnam below. These seamen took a strong stance against the trade of wheat to China upon discovering that a portion of this grain—whether sourced from Australia or Canada—had the potential to bolster North Vietnam in its relentless campaign against Australian, New Zealand, and U.S. forces during the tumultuous Vietnam War. Their commitment to preventing any form of support that could indirectly fuel the conflict underscores the complexities of international trade and its moral implications during wartime.

Footnote 169, in a paper submitted by Tianxiao  Zhu to - The Faculty of the University of Minnesota titled Secret Trails:  FOOD AND TRADE IN LATE MAOIST CHINA, 1960-1978, etc → Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy - Christopher M Isett June 2021 - Tianxiao Zhu's Footnote at 169:

169. "...In Vancouver, nine sailors refused to work on a grain ship headed to China: two of them eventually returned to work, and the others were arrested. Just when the ship was about to sail, seven more left the ship but three of them later returned to work. In Sydney, six Canadian sailors left their ship; they resigned and asked to be paid, but the Australian immigration office repatriated them. At that time, a grain ship usually had crew members of about 40 people. A British ship lost the Chief Officer and sixteen seamen, who told journalists that if the ship were going to the communist countries, they would rather go to jail than work on the ship."

 
Betrayal: Thirty Years of Silence 
 

Despite the substantial and compelling evidence presented in "The first remedy pursued,"showcased on absentjustice.com, there have been no recorded findings against Dr Gordon Hughes, the former arbitrator in my 1994/95 government-endorsed arbitration. Additionally, no accountability has been established for John Pinnock, the administrator overseeing my arbitration, or John Rundell, the project manager involved in the proceedings. This persistent lack of consequences allows their misleading and deceptive conduct to remain unaddressed, leaving a profound sense of injustice. What if I am not a liar, but instead a voice exposing a dark reality that the Australian Government and its well-compensated bureaucrats have ignored for the past 30 years?

What if everything I have laid bare on my website, absentjustice.com, about Dr Gordon Hughes—Principal Lawyer at Davies Collison Cave in Melbourne →  https://shorturl.at/L4tbp, is the unvarnished truth? What if my claims regarding John Pinnock, the second appointed Australian Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman, who spent more than a decade turning a blind eye to customers' grievances, and John Rundell, a former partner at KPMG, are also entirely accurate?

These men have not merely misled those who sought justice; they have orchestrated a web of deceit. They have cloaked their treachery behind bureaucratic processes, lofty titles, and an oppressive institutional silence. They knew the consequences of their decisions, their deliberate omissions, and their calculated cover-ups. They have robbed my partner, Cathy, and me of thirty precious years that we will never reclaim—years lost to their corruption and moral decay.
 
So, what happens now? 
 
Will these three men finally be forced to confront their dark deeds? Will they be held accountable for their disgraceful actions, the evidence they deliberately buried, and the truths they conspired to conceal? Or will the Australian Government continue to shield them from justice, fully aware that their choices have cost the COT Cases decades of our lives, languishing in a nightmare of treachery and betrayal?
 
Four Examples of Gross Government Misconduct.  

The chain of scandals — from covert international deals and the buying of key witnesses to secretive dealings with violent groups, catastrophic institutional failures, and high‑level betrayals — forms a chilling portrait of a system rotting from within. These are not isolated missteps. They are symptoms of a deeper, more calculated decay.

Each incident reveals the same pattern: decisions made in back rooms, truth buried under layers of bureaucracy, and ordinary citizens left to carry the cost. The machinery of government, entrusted to protect the public, instead twists itself into a shield for the powerful, hiding misconduct behind silence, denials, and procedural fog.

What emerges is a landscape where accountability evaporates, justice is selectively applied, and those who dare to question the narrative are left stranded. These events expose a system willing to sacrifice integrity for convenience, loyalty for expedience, and human lives for political survival..

These are not rumours. They are not theories. They are proven scandals, each one leaving a trail of destroyed lives behind them.

If those events — now established beyond any reasonable doubt — could unfold the way they did, with innocent citizens ruined in two countries, and with New Zealand and American troops killed or maimed in Vietnam because Australia traded with the enemy, then the reader has to stop and think.  Those wheat shipments nourished the North Vietnamese soldier before he disappeared into the jungle to kill or wound our troops and our allies’ troops — all while government officials hid behind silence, denials, and paperwork.

At the time, these stories sounded unbelievable. Too extreme. Too outrageous. Too shameful for any government to allow. Yet every one of them turned out to be true. And that is exactly why I have raised these issues here.

Because if those scandals — as shocking and far‑fetched as they once seemed — were real, then perhaps the rest of what I expose on absentjustice.com is not so unbelievable after all. Perhaps it is simply the truth that powerful people hoped could be brushed aside.

 
Welcome to Absent Justice

 

The websites absentjustice.com and promoteyourstory.com.au exist for one purpose: to expose the unlawful conduct that surrounded the Casualties of Telstra (the COT Cases). What unfolded over four long years was not a simple dispute, nor a technical misunderstanding, nor a bureaucratic delay. It was a coordinated effort—spanning Telstra, its legal representatives, the arbitrator, and government agencies—to bury the truth and protect a failing telecommunications monopoly at any cost.

The Arbitrator - Absent JusticeHere, we present my latest book, titled "The Arbitraitor". Clicking this image, as well as the "Home" icon, will let you view my other website, which enhances and duplicates evidence files revealing disturbing details about the misconduct that shaped the COT Cases' lives as they battled an extremely unethical administered arbitration procedure. These documents, many of which were withheld, altered, or concealed during the arbitration process, expose a network of deceit that operated deep within Telstra and Australia’s justice system. Our goal is simple: to bring into the light what powerful institutions worked so hard to keep in the dark.

The term "Arbitraitor" appears intentionally in this publication and hasn’t been misspelt, a thoughtful choice that resonates with our theme on Absent Justice. Priced modestly at $3.99 AUD, it aims to be accessible to a broad audience. This text presents the truth with diligence while fostering empathy and hope.

The unique spelling of "Arbitraitor" is not just a quirk; it reflects a significant historical context. Just a couple of decades ago, government-sanctioned arbitrations were manipulated by treacherous individuals within the justice system, allowing them to obscure the truth from the Australian populace. During this troubling era, the government-owned Telstra Corporation became a hub of corruption, colluding with large corporations to deceive and exploit Australian citizens.

In this publication, we expose corrupt officials who are entwined in public malfeasance and official misconduct, carefully exploiting their positions of power. Their abuse of authority leads to the perpetration of fraud and injustice. Among these nefarious actors are politicians and lawyers caught in a labyrinth of deceit, engaged in criminal conspiracies, collusive actions, and influence-peddling that undermine public trust.

At the heart of this system lies the Brotherhood—a clandestine organisation of ruthless criminals engaged in a variety of corrupt activities, including racketeering. They wield significant control over the legal profession in Australia, facilitating judicial interference, obstructing justice, and achieving institutional capture with alarming ease.

The abhorrent narcissism and duplicity displayed by these lawbreakers reveal a pattern of deliberate deception, deep-rooted corruption, and calculated wrongdoing. They stand as violators of federal law and are implicated in systemic fraud, further eroding the very foundations of justice and integrity in society.

By comparing previously used evidence with newly uncovered material, we demonstrate how Telstra, the arbitrator, and arbitration consultants conspired to undermine the COT Cases and suppress legitimate claims. This was not incompetence. It was collusion—deliberate, strategic, and devastating. Repetition of evidence is not a flaw in our presentation; it is essential. Only by seeing the same documents appear across different years, different claimants, and different stages of the process can readers grasp the scale of the wrongdoing.

The Australian government has decided to allow Ericsson to buy Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd for an undisclosed amount through government-approved arbitration. This decision raises serious concerns about corruption and dishonesty. This deal occurred while Lane was investigating Ericsson's telephone exchange equipment, a clear violation of protocol during ongoing arbitrations → Chapter 5 - US Department of Justice vs Ericsson of Sweden
 
Even Dr Gordon Hughes AO, the arbitrator, found himself ensnared in the treacherous labyrinth of the Ericsson-Lane debacle. On that fateful day of September 29, 1994, Telstra’s principal technical engineer, Peter Gamble, willfully neglected his government-mandated duty to conduct the arbitration Service Verification Testing (SVT) on my three telephone lines—055 267 267, 055 267 230, and 055 267 260. This deliberate oversight ignited a catastrophic failure of the entire testing process, reminiscent of a well-orchestrated cover-up.
 
PART 1

1- THE ERICSSON SAGA 

 
The Ericsson testing facilities at both the Cape Bridgewater and Portland exchanges fell into disarray, unable to synchronise, thus rendering the SVT impossible to execute. As the dust settled, the test was abandoned, casting my legitimate concerns aside into the void. AUSTEL, the supposed guardian of fair practices, swiftly demanded answers from Telstra, but what was intended as accountability soon morphed into an agonisingly drawn-out farce.
 
On October 11, 1994, AUSTEL formally addressed Mr Gamble, seeking an explanation for his egregious failure to conduct the SVT. When he chose to ignore this overture, AUSTEL escalated their demands, issuing a second letter on November 16, 1994, to Telstra’s arbitration liaison officer, Steve Black. This letter bore a tone of mounting frustration, urgently questioning what actions Telstra intended to take regarding the defective arbitration-related testing process at Cape Bridgewater. Astonishingly, this correspondence was also sent to Peter Gamble, a cunningly orchestrated reminder of his dereliction of duty.
 
Yet, despite these pressing demands, an appalling eight years would slip by in silence, with my telephone lines remaining untested until November 2002. After a year marred by a disaster that reflected a far deeper malaise within Telstra, I found myself driven to sell the Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp, utterly drained from an egregiously protracted affair meant to rectify an unending nightmare of telephone issues that plagued my business for seven relentless years.
 
Dr Hughes’s role became even more questionable as events took a darker turn. On April 6, 1995, after a prolonged period of inaction reeking of conspiratorial neglect, Peter Gamble finally conducted the mandatory arbitration SVT. Accompanied by representatives from Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd, soon to be swallowed by Ericsson, I eagerly anticipated resolution, only to be met with betrayal. Both Gamble and Lane’s David Reid audaciously refused to carry out the testing, their refusal a blatant affront to the arbitration process.
 
In a shocking display of complicity, Dr Hughes allowed this refusal to stand, even as the SVT was a critical, non-negotiable element of the arbitration fabric. By this stage, Lane appeared to have been compromised, marionettes in a sinister game controlled by the looming spectre of Ericsson’s acquisition. Peter Gamble would subsequently find himself named in a Senate hearing on June 24, 1997, by former Telstra engineer turned whistleblower Lindsay White. Gamble was identified as the man who chillingly informed White that the first five COT cases—including mine—had to be “stopped at all costs” to thwart any possibility of substantiating our claims against Telstra. The depths of this betrayal are laid bare on pages 36 to 39 Senate - Parliament of Australia, illustrating a conspiracy that goes far beyond mere negligence.
 

The Ericsson List - Absent Justice

 

The Ericsson List, as revealed in the image above, paints a troubling picture of Ericsson's involvement in shady and unethical business practices that have persisted for an alarmingly long time. These nefarious actions caught the attention of the arbitrator, who was tasked with overseeing around eight claims against the faulty Ericsson billing equipment used by Telstra in their telephone exchanges—a situation eerily reminiscent of the scandal involving the defective Fujitsu Horizon equipment that besmirched the British Post Office. Even more disturbing, the COT claimants found themselves brutally denied the chance to have their arbitration claims reassessed after Ericsson cunningly purchased Lane, the main consultant overseeing the technical side of these proceedings. This betrayal of trust and manipulation of the arbitration process are nothing short of gross misconduct, revealing a sinister undercurrent of corruption and treachery.

This poor choice has made it harder for the COT Cases to prove their claims against Ericsson and seek justice through potential appeals. The acquisition gave Ericsson access to key materials related to my arbitration claim about the Ericsson AXE telephone exchange scandal. It also allowed Lane to withhold this information after the arbitration ended.

PART 2 

2 - Echoes of Betrayal: Wheat Sales to China  

The Australian Government bureaucrats who continued to tell Australia's politicians that several other seamen and I had witnessed in China was a lie. The following information shows we risked all to expose the truth.  

The betrayal is not new. Reflecting on Australia’s wheat sales to Communist China in 1967, the hypocrisy becomes clear. Bureaucrats knowingly allowed grain to be repurposed to fuel North Vietnam’s war effort against Australian, New Zealand, and American troops. This act of negligence and complicity demonstrates how detached decision-makers, insulated by theory and bureaucracy, can transform potential solutions into catastrophic consequences. It is a reminder that betrayal often comes not from enemies abroad, but from incompetence at home.
 
I returned to Australia on 18 September 1967, having narrowly escaped China and been fundamentally changed from the person I was when I left in June 1967. Yet, over the past thirty years, I have been treated disgracefully, no differently than other brave whistleblowers who dared to stand up for the truth against a backdrop of horror, scandal, and betrayal. The corruption runs deep, and the implications are horrifying.
 
My anger—and that of my crewmates—was never directed at the idea of sending wheat to a starving China on humanitarian grounds. None of us objected to helping civilians in desperate need. What ignited our fury was something far darker: the knowledge that, despite my formal warnings to the Commonwealth Police (now the AFP) and to The Hon. Malcolm Fraser, then Minister for the Army, on 18 September 1967, that some of this so‑called humanitarian wheat was being diverted to North Vietnam, this terrible trade continued (Refer to Chapter 7- Vietnam-Viet-Cong-2)
 

 The People's Republic of China 

Chinese Red Guards - Absent Justice

Murdered for Mao: The killings China ‘forgot’

The Letter, the Truth, and the Waiting

In August 1967, I found myself in a situation so precarious, so surreal, that it would etch itself into the marrow of my memory. I was aboard a cargo ship docked in China, surrounded by Red Guards stationed on board twenty-four hours a day, spaced no more than thirty paces apart. After being coerced into writing a confession—declaring myself a U.S. aggressor and a supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader in Taiwan—I was told by the second steward, who handled the ship’s correspondence, that I had about two days before a response to my letter might reach me. That response, whatever it might be, would be delivered by the head of the Red Guards himself.

It was the second steward who quietly suggested I write to my parents. I did. I poured myself into 22 foolscap pages, writing with the urgency of a man who believed he might not live to see the end of the week. I told my church-going parents that I was not the saintly 18-year-old they believed I was. I confessed that the woman they had so often thanked in their letters—believing her to be my landlady or carer—was in fact my lover. She was 42. I was 18 when we met. From 1963 to 1967, she had been my anchor, my warmth, my truth. I wrote about my life at sea, about the chaos and the camaraderie, about the loneliness and the longing. I wrote because I needed them to know who I really was, in case I was executed before I ever saw them again.

As the ship’s cook and duty mess room steward, I had a front-row seat to the daily rhythms of life on board. I often watched the crew eat their meals on deck, plates balanced on the handrails that lined the ship. We were carrying grain to China on humanitarian grounds, and yet, the irony was unbearable—food was being wasted while the people we were meant to help were starving. Sausages, half-eaten steaks, baked potatoes—they’d slip from plates and tumble into the sea. But there were no seagulls to swoop down and claim them. They’d been eaten too. The food floated aimlessly, untouched even by fish, which had grown scarce in the harbour. Starvation wasn’t a concept. It was a presence. It was in the eyes of the Red Guards who watched us eat. It was in the silence that followed every wasted bite.

A Tray of Leftovers and a Silent Exchange

After my arrest, I was placed under house arrest aboard the ship. One day, I took a small metal tray from the galley and filled it—not with scraps, but with decent leftovers. Food that would have gone into the stockpot or been turned into dry hash cakes. I walked it out to the deck, placed it on one of the long benches, patted my stomach as if I’d eaten my fill, and walked away without a word.

Ten minutes later, I returned. The tray had been licked clean.

At the next meal, I did it again—this time with enough food for three or four Red Guards. I placed the tray on the bench and left. No words. No eye contact. Just food. I repeated this quiet ritual for two more days, all while waiting for the response to my letter. During that time, something shifted. The Red Guard, who had been waking me every hour to check if I was sleeping, stopped coming. The tension in the air thinned, just slightly. And I kept bringing food—whenever the crew was busy unloading wheat with grappling hooks wrapped in chicken wire, I’d slip out with another tray.

To this day, I don’t know what saved me. It was certainly not the letter declaring myself a U.S. aggressor and a supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader in Taiwan. Maybe it was luck. Or perhaps it was that tray of food, offered without expectation, without speech, without condition. A silent gesture that said, “I see you. I know you’re hungry. I know you’re human.”

And maybe, just maybe, that was enough. British Seaman’s Record R744269 -  Open Letter to PM File No 1 Alan Smith's Seaman.  → Chapter 7- Vietnam-Vietcong-2

In essence, the Australian government faced an agonising moral dilemma — weighing the lives of its soldiers engaged in the conflict in North Vietnam against the desperate need to provide sustenance for an entire nation teetering on the brink of starvation. This heart-wrenching choice highlights the often-unseen complexities of international relations and humanitarian crises, revealing the painful calculations made in the pursuit of survival.

Footnote 83, 84 and 169 → in a paper submitted by Tianxiao  Zhu to - The Faculty of the University of Minnesota titled Secret Trails:  FOOD AND TRADE IN LATE MAOIST CHINA, 1960-1978, etc → Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy - Christopher M Isett June 2021 

Tianxiao Zhu's Footnotes 83, 84, 169:

In September 1967, a group of British merchant seamen quit their ship, the Hope Peak, in Sydney and flew back to London. They told the press in London that they quit the job because of the humiliating experiences to which they were subjected while in Chinese ports. They also claimed that grain shipped from Australia to China was being sent straight on to North Vietnam. One of them said, “I have watched grain going off our ship on conveyor belts and straight into bags stamped North Vietnam. Our ship was being used to take grain from Australia to feed the North Vietnamese. It’s disgusting.” 

84. The Minister of Trade and Industry received an inquiry about the truth of the story in Parliament, to which the Minister pointed out that when they left Australia, the seamen only told the Australian press that they suffered such intolerable maltreatment in various Chinese ports that they were fearful about going back. But after they arrived in London, Vietnam was added to their story. Thus the Minister claimed that he did not know the facts and did not want to challenge this story, but it seemed to him that their claims about Vietnam seemed to be an “afterthought.”

169. "...In Vancouver, nine sailors refused to work on a grain ship headed to China: two of them eventually returned to work, and the others were arrested. Just when the ship was about to sail, seven more left the ship but three of them later returned to work. In Sydney, six Canadian sailors left their ship; they resigned and asked to be paid, but the Australian immigration office repatriated them. At that time, a grain ship usually had crew members of about 40 people. A British ship lost the Chief Officer and sixteen seamen, who told journalists that if the ship were going to the communist countries, they would rather go to jail than work on the ship."

PART 4

4 - British Post Office Scandal 

The impact of this deal has been harmful to small business operators and their families across Australia, mirroring the Fujitsu Horizon scandal that hurt the British Post Office. More troubling is Ericsson's known long-term ties to international terrorist groups and criminal activities. This disregard for ethical conduct should have led to an immediate investigation by the Australian government years ago. Instead, it seems that dishonesty and corruption have taken priority over the safety and integrity of the Australian business environment.

 

The Alan Bates vs British Post Office story - Absent Justice

 

On March 18, 2026, in Britain, another exemplary individual fell victim to the oppressive forces of the British Establishment. This person, like countless others, bravely chose to stand up for the values instilled in us during childhood: the importance of honouring the truth and living a life guided by integrity. Sadly, these principles seem increasingly disregarded by many Western nations and their institutions.

I would like to draw your attention to my heartfelt tribute to Ruth Durasnt Durant, available at https://shorturl.at/v05xJThis tribute is shared on behalf of the Australian Casualties of Telstra (COT) group. Those of us who remain will understand the critical need to support individuals who, like Parmod, strive to lead honest and principled lives.           

The tribute will remain on the homepage for all of this month.

As a united voice from our COT group, we extend our deepest condolences. I encourage you to take a moment to read my message to Durant Durant, as it sheds light on the values we hold dear and the importance of standing up for the truth. 

Alan Bates vs British Post Offic

After almost two decades, the British public—and a growing number of British politicians—have insisted that the British Post Office scandal is a matter of profound public interest and must no longer be concealed by the government, the civil service, or the Establishment. For England’s sake, this injustice demands a complete and transparent investigation. Click here to watch the Australian Channel 7 trailer for Mr Bates vs the Post Office, which aired in February 2024, and captures the scale of this national betrayal.

What makes the scandal so disturbing is that public servants inside the British Post Office knew the Fujitsu Horizon computer software was responsible for the catastrophic accounting and billing errors. Yet they continued to blame innocent sub‑postmasters, many of whom were financially ruined, prosecuted, or imprisoned.

This pattern is painfully familiar to those of us who lived through the Australian COT arbitrations. Dr Gordon Hughes, the arbitrator appointed to oversee our cases, refused to allow his own technical consultants the additional time they needed to diagnose the ongoing faults in Telstra’s Ericsson billing software. The parallels between the British Post Office scandal and the Australian Telstra scandal are unmistakable. In both cases, faulty technical equipment was at the heart of the problem, as demonstrated in this YouTube video: https://youtu.be/MyhjuR5g1Mc..

Click here to watch Mr Bates vs the Post Office

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Attachments area

Preview YouTube video Post Office Scandal: The Full Story (So Far)Preview YouTube video Post Office Scandal: The Full Story (So Far)

Home Page 

Please edit this as close to how I have narrated it, making it as if I am telling the story:-The following Home Page Chapters 1 to 22 are condensed to allow the reader to judge whether the read my true story, backed up by over 3,300 exhibits, including multiple reports 70, is true or false. On 3 June 1993, after I had been complaining of phone problems, first officially registered by me on 1 April 1988, I learned during December 1992 that the previous owners of my business had been complaining months before I purchased it in December 1987. On the date noted, after Telstra had visited my business, the first original visit by middle management after leaving my premises, one of the two management team left his open briefcase at my holiday camp and as in the Arabarian Nights story, Aladdin had left an open briefcase, when I flipped open the lid to see whether a phone number could be reached to advise of this loss to the wover out spilled fruits of the desert.

What was revealed was that Telstra had been telling its customers for years that there were no telephone problems affecting their businesses or residences, even though the content said otherwise. I started faxing the documents which had been inside the briefcase, not to the media, which, looking back to this day, I should have, and I would not be writing this story thirty years after the event. Having been a trained seaman, I thought that by faxing this information to the government communications authority, AUSTEL (now called ACMA), was the honest thing to do on behalf of the citizens of Australia, but I was the most stupid decision I have made in my entire 82 years. When my roll fax machine burnt itself out with only two files being faxed to AUSTEL, I copied the remaining documents in the local library in the seafort of Portland and couriered it down to Melbourne by Golden Messenger.

That day, Telstra picked up this briefcase, and from then on, my life was changed forever.

The government was so concerned about what I had located and what my small business group had also unravelled when they began receiving documents under FOI that, by then, in June 1993, we were called the casualties of Telstra. The arbitration mentioned in the introduction to this story could be won or lost only on documents held by Telstra. When I began trying to obtain these documents, which AUSTEL promised I would receive, they were not provided by Telstra in 1994 or by AUSTEL, and have still not been provided by AUSTEL in 2026.

However, in 2008, at my first Administrative Appeals Tribunal hearing (No V2008/1836), where ACMA was the respondent, I tried to obtain the very documents I had forwarded to AUSTEL and returned to Telstra in June 1993. ACMA has still not released the relevant documents they had originally promised. On 3 October 2008, while trying to write this story, absentjustice.com and the Arbitraitor, the judge hearing this eight-month battle, Mr G. D Friedman, said the following words in open court in front of two lawyers from ACMA, I was representing myself:

“Let me just say, I don’t consider you, personally, to be frivolous or vexatious – far from it.

“I suppose all that remains for me to say, Mr Smith, is that you obviously are very tenacious and persistent in pursuing the – not this matter before me, but the whole – the whole question of what you see as a grave injustice, and I can only applaud people who have persistence and the determination to see things through when they believe it’s important enough.”

Chapter 1: Murder of Truth

The truth didn’t die in an arbitration process using a tampered-with confidentiality agreement. It wasn’t buried beneath an arbitrator's gavel or lost in the shuffle of legal paperwork. It was murdered—methodically, quietly, and with institutional precision. The COT Case arbitrations were supposed to deliver justice. Instead, they became the crime scene.

I entered the process believing in the rule of law. I had evidence—technical faults, intercepted communications, and a trail of misconduct that pointed directly to Telstra’s door. But from the moment the arbitration began, the signs were clear: this wasn’t a search for truth. It was a containment strategy.

Documents vanished. Deadlines shifted. The arbitrator, cloaked in the authority of accreditation, manipulated the process with a chilling detachment. He wasn’t just indifferent—he was complicit. His lies to officials about his role as Principal Arbitration Manager weren’t errors. They were tactical deceptions designed to protect Telstra and silence claimants.

What I witnessed was not a failure of procedure—it was a deliberate murder of truth. The arbitrator’s actions, the withholding of evidence, the refusal to investigate surveillance claims—all of it formed a pattern. A conspiracy. A cover-up.

And yet, the truth has a stubborn pulse. It survives in the margins—in the handwritten notes, the corrupted fax logs, the testimonies of fellow claimants who refused to be broken. It lives in the archived pages of absentjustice.com, in the open letters that name names, and in the quiet rage of those who know what was done to us.

This chapter marks the beginning of a reckoning. Not just with Telstra, or the arbitrator, but with the entire machinery that allowed this to happen. The truth may have been murdered—but its ghost is restless. And I intend to give it voice.

Chapter 2: Surveillance State

They told us arbitration would be confidential. That our evidence, our testimony, our pain—would be handled with integrity. But behind the polished facade of legal process, a darker reality pulsed: we were being watched.

Telstra’s surveillance capabilities weren’t theoretical. They were industrial-grade, embedded in the very infrastructure we relied on to communicate. Their Security Operations Centres, operating 24/7, were equipped with Security Information and Event Management (SIEM) and Threat Intelligence Integration tools designed to detect and catalogue anomalies. But what happens when the anomaly is a whistleblower? When the threat is not external, but internal—someone like me, exposing truths the system would rather forget?

I had spoken with the Prime Minister twice—once in April 1993, again in April 1994. I raised concerns about Australia’s wheat exports to China, and how that grain was being funnelled to North Vietnam, feeding the very forces that had killed and maimed our soldiers. These weren’t idle conversations. They were politically explosive. And I have every reason to believe they were intercepted.

Telstra’s Infrastructure Monitoring systems, designed to manage critical assets like oil refineries, traffic networks, and water plants, also offered remote access, event logging, and alarm management across its vast network. These tools, while marketed for operational efficiency, could easily be repurposed for surveillance—especially when the target was a claimant challenging Telstra’s integrity.

The question isn’t whether Telstra could monitor us. It’s who inside Telstra had the government clearance to filter and interpret that data. Who decided what was evidence, and what was discarded? Who catalogued our conversations, our faxes, our pleas for justice—not to protect us, but to protect the corporation?

This wasn’t just surveillance. It was strategic intelligence gathering, designed to anticipate our moves, undermine our credibility, and control the narrative. The arbitrator, already compromised by deceit, operated in tandem with a system that saw truth as a liability.

And yet, the surveillance failed in one critical respect: it didn’t silence us. It didn’t erase the documents, the corrupted fax logs, the technical reports that proved Telstra’s faults. It didn’t stop the creation of absentjustice.com, or the open letters that now circulate beyond their reach.

We were watched. We were catalogued. But we were not erased.

Chapter 3: Corruption by Design

Corruption isn’t always loud. Sometimes it’s engineered into the very structure of a process—quiet, procedural, and devastating. The COT arbitrations weren’t sabotaged by accident. They were corrupted by design.

From the outset, Telstra’s internal faults were known. Technical reports confirmed line failures, fax corruption, and call dropouts. Yet the arbitration rules were crafted to exclude critical evidence. The arbitrator, handpicked and protected, operated within a framework that rewarded omission and punished transparency.

Government departments, legal advisors, and Telstra executives formed a closed loop of influence. The corruption wasn’t just in the outcome—it was in the architecture. And every claimant who entered the process was walking into a trap.

Chapter 4: Cover-Up Culture

The cover-up began before the arbitration even started. Telstra withheld documents, misrepresented fault data, and manipulated technical logs. When I requested full disclosure, I was met with redactions, delays, and denials.

The arbitrator refused to investigate known faults. The administrator ignored evidence. And when I exposed the corrupted fax logs and surveillance concerns, the response was silence.

This wasn’t incompetence. It was culture. A culture of concealment, where truth was inconvenient and accountability was optional. The cover-up extended beyond Telstra—into government departments, legal chambers, and media silence.

Chapter 5: Whistleblower’s Burden

I didn’t choose this path. I was a cook, a community builder, a man who believed in fairness. But when I saw the injustice inflicted on fellow claimants—when I experienced it myself—I knew I couldn’t stay silent.

Becoming a whistleblower meant isolation. It meant being labelled, discredited, and dismissed. It meant watching friends suffer, watching evidence vanish, and watching institutions protect themselves at all costs.

But it also meant clarity. I knew what I stood for. I knew the truth mattered. And I knew that silence was complicity. The burden was heavy—but it was mine to carry.

Chapter 6: Conspiracy of Silence

The silence wasn’t passive. It was strategic. Telstra executives, government officials, and arbitration insiders knew what was happening. They knew the faults were real. They knew the evidence was damning. And they chose silence.

This conspiracy wasn’t written in memos—it was enacted through omission. Through the refusal to investigate. Through the quiet reassignment of officials. Through the shielding of the arbitrator from scrutiny.

The silence was deafening. And it spoke volumes about the priorities of those in power.

Chapter 7: Fraudulent Arbitration

The arbitration process was a fraud. The arbitrator misled claimants, misrepresented his role, and manipulated outcomes. He claimed impartiality while protecting Telstra’s interests. He denied access to evidence while accepting Telstra’s submissions without scrutiny.

The administrator, too, played a role—refusing to investigate, ignoring surveillance claims, and allowing the process to proceed without transparency.

This wasn’t arbitration. It was a performance. And the outcome was predetermined.

Chapter 8: Justice Denied

We were told that arbitration would deliver justice and that our claims would be heard. That the faults would be addressed. But justice was never the goal.

The arbitrator refused to investigate known faults. The administrator ignored surveillance concerns. The government departments turned away.

Justice wasn’t delayed. It was denied. And every claimant who entered the process was betrayed.

Chapter 9: Retaliation Protocols

Speaking out came at a cost. I was targeted—legally, emotionally, and professionally. My credibility was attacked. My evidence was dismissed. My reputation was undermined.

Other claimants faced similar retaliation. Some were threatened. Others were isolated. The message was clear: stay silent, or pay the price.

The retaliation wasn’t random. It was systematic. And it revealed the lengths to which institutions would go to protect themselves.

Chapter 10: Bribery and Influence

Behind the scenes, influence flowed freely. Telstra’s legal teams had access. Government departments shielded the arbitrator. Media outlets stayed quiet.

Bribery doesn’t always involve cash. Sometimes it’s access. Sometimes it’s protection. Sometimes it’s silence.

The arbitrator’s conduct, the administrator’s omissions, the government’s complicity—all point to a system where influence mattered more than truth.

Chapter 11: Deception as Strategy

Deception wasn’t a side effect—it was the strategy. From the arbitrator’s false assurances to Telstra’s manipulated fault logs, every step of the process was designed to mislead. Claimants were given partial truths, technical jargon, and procedural fog. The goal wasn’t resolution—it was exhaustion. And for many, it worked.

But deception has fingerprints. It leaves trails in redacted documents, in contradictory statements, in the quiet edits made to arbitration rules mid-process. I followed those trails. And they led to the heart of a system built to protect power, not people.

Chapter 12: Evidence Erased

I submitted everything—fax logs, technical reports, correspondence. But evidence has a way of disappearing when it threatens the narrative. Pages went missing. Files were corrupted. Critical documents were “lost in transit.”

The arbitrator refused to investigate. The administrator dismissed concerns. And Telstra, with its vast infrastructure, controlled the flow of information. What couldn’t be disproven was erased.

But I kept copies. I built absentjustice.com as a living archive. Because truth, once documented, becomes harder to kill.

Chapter 13: Interrogation by Bureaucracy

They didn’t need handcuffs. Bureaucracy did the job. Endless forms, shifting deadlines, contradictory instructions—each one designed to confuse, delay, and demoralise.

I was interrogated not with questions, but with silence. With refusal. With the slow grind of administrative indifference. Every request for transparency became a test of endurance.

And yet, I endured. Because behind every form was a story. Behind every delay was a truth they didn’t want told.

Chapter 14: Underworld of Arbitration

Arbitration is supposed to be neutral. But what I found was an underworld—a network of influence, secrecy, and offshore operations. The arbitrator’s ties to Hong Kong raised alarms. His conduct in Melbourne confirmed them.

This wasn’t just about Telstra. It was about a global system where arbitration could be weaponized—used to silence dissent, protect corporations, and bury accountability.

I wasn’t just fighting a flawed process. I was confronting an international machine.

Chapter 15: Forensics of a Cover-Up

The technical faults weren’t speculative. They were documented—through forensic analysis, corrupted logs, and expert testimony. Telstra’s systems failed. And they knew it.

But instead of addressing the faults, they buried them. The arbitrator refused to examine the forensic evidence. The administrator ignored it. And the government looked away.

I became the forensic archivist. I catalogued every failure, every contradiction, every lie. Because the cover-up had a digital footprint—and I was determined to follow it.

Chapter 16: Abduction of Accountability

Accountability was kidnapped—taken from the hands of claimants and locked behind legal walls. The arbitrator, shielded by accreditation, operated without oversight. Telstra, backed by government silence, evaded consequence.

Every time I demanded answers, I was met with deflection. Every time I exposed misconduct, I was told it was “outside the scope.” Accountability wasn’t denied—it was abducted.

But I refused to let it vanish. I named names. I published documents. I made sure the story couldn’t be buried.

Chapter 17: Truth in Exile

Leaving Cape Bridgewater was more than a relocation. It was exile—from a place that held decades of struggle, camaraderie, and resistance. The move to Ballarat marked a new chapter—but the truth came with me.

I carried the documents, the memories, the scars. I rebuilt my archive. I reconnected with allies. And I recommitted to the fight.

Truth may have been exiled—but it was never abandoned.

Chapter 18: Homicide by Policy

The wheat trade wasn’t just commerce—it was complicity. Australia’s exports to China, redirected to North Vietnam, fed a war that killed our own. Soldiers from Australia, New Zealand, and the USA died because of decisions made in boardrooms and ministries.

I raised this with the Prime Minister. Twice. And I’ve never stopped speaking about it. Because policy can kill. And silence can be lethal.

This chapter isn’t just historical. It’s personal. It’s a reckoning with the cost of betrayal.

Chapter 19: Investigation Interrupted

Every time an inquiry began, it was stalled. Every time a report was drafted, it was softened. The investigation into Telstra’s faults, the arbitration misconduct, and the surveillance claims—all were interrupted.

Officials were reassigned. Documents were reclassified. And the momentum was lost.

But I kept going. I built my own investigation. I published my own findings because the truth doesn’t need permission to be told.

Chapter 20: Legacy of Lies

The lies didn’t end with arbitration. They seeped into public records, media narratives, and historical memory. Telstra’s reputation remained intact. The arbitrator continued his work. And the claimants were left in silence.

But I refused to let the legacy be rewritten. I documented everything. I named every lie. And I built a platform where truth could live.

This legacy isn’t theirs to define. It’s ours to reclaim.

Chapter 21: The Reckoning Begins

The chapters before this were the build-up. This is the turning point. The reckoning begins—not just for Telstra, or the arbitrator, but for every institution that enabled the betrayal.

I’ve published the documents. I’ve made the calls. I’ve written the letters. And now, I’m demanding answers.

This isn’t just a personal fight. It’s a public one. And it’s time the silence was broken.

Chapter 22: The Whistleblower’s Legacy

I didn’t ask for this role. But I’ve embraced it. As a cook, I fed crews in storms. As a claimant, I stood against giants. As a whistleblower, I’ve built a legacy of truth.

This chapter isn’t an ending. It’s a beginning—for future advocates, for historians, for citizens who refuse to be silenced.The whistleblower’s legacy is resilience. It’s documentation. It’s true. And it’s yours to carry forward.

 

 

Call for Justice

 

Absent Justice - My Story - Alan Smith

 

The Dream, the Silence, and the Betrayal

My name is Alan Smith, and this is the story of my long and ongoing battle with a telecommunications giant and the Australian Government. Since 1992, my struggle has wound its way through elected governments, regulatory bodies, the judiciary, and the telecommunications behemoth Telstra—known as Telecom when my fight began. More than three decades later, the quest for justice continues.

My journey began in 1987, when I stepped ashore after 28 years at sea. I had sailed the world, but of all the places I’d known, Australia called to me. I wanted a land‑based life, something steady to carry me through to retirement. Hospitality had always been my passion, and I dreamed of running a school holiday camp — a place where children could breathe fresh air, and families could reconnect.

So when I saw the Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp and Convention Centre advertised in The Age, it felt like fate. A coastal haven near the maritime town of Portland, surrounded by ocean mist and rolling dunes — it was everything I’d imagined. I conducted what I believed was thorough due diligence. I checked the buildings, the grounds, the books. What I didn’t check — what no one ever thinks to check — was whether the phones worked.

Within a week of taking over, the truth hit like a rogue wave. Customers and suppliers told me they had tried to call but couldn’t get through. I had a business to run, but the phone service was unreliable at best and nonexistent at worst. Every missed call was a missed booking. Every engaged signal was lost income. The Camp relied entirely on phone communication — this was the pre‑internet era, long before mobile coverage reached rural Victoria.

Only later did I discover the scale of the problem. Cape Bridgewater was tethered to an antiquated, unstaffed telephone exchange installed more than 30 years earlier. It had a pitiful capacity of just eight lines — eight lines to serve an entire coastal community.

During a typical week, 66 residential families lived in the area, not counting the many who used their coastal homes as weekend retreats. By 1991, the population had grown to 144 adults and children. On weekends, that number often exceeded 150. Yet the exchange still offered only eight service lines.

In stark terms: if four households were making or receiving calls, only four lines remained for the other 140 residents. That wasn’t just poor planning — it was a systemic failure. My business was being strangled by a network that couldn’t support even the most basic communication needs.

The Camp was more than a business. It was a dream made real — a serene retreat where city stress dissolved into sea spray. But dreams need infrastructure. And ours was built on eight fragile copper threads.

Booking inquiries, supply orders, emergency calls — everything depended on those lines. During peak times, the phones were constantly engaged. Guests complained they couldn’t reach us. Suppliers missed confirmations. Opportunities slipped through our fingers like sand.

And then came the betrayal.

A Conspiracy of Silence

In March 1994, a government document revealed a chilling truth: officials tasked with investigating my ongoing telephone issues found my claims against Telstra to be valid. They knew the faults were real. They knew the system was failing. And yet, this critical evidence — the very evidence that validated my six‑year ordeal — was withheld from the arbitrator.

Had the arbitrator been furnished with this document, he would likely have awarded far greater compensation for the substantial losses I suffered. Instead, my claims were weakened because they lacked a detailed log — a log I could not possibly have kept when the very faults I was reporting were being concealed by those responsible for investigating them.

This was not an oversight. It was a pattern. A deliberate, coordinated silence.

And it marked the beginning of a battle that would consume decades of my life.

 

Hover your mouse over the images of the two letters that bear the fax imprint of Freehill Holingdate & Page.

 

Absent Justice

 

Two Alan Smiths, One Dark Pattern: Telstra’s Treacherous Campaign of Extraction
In the quiet coastal bounds of Cape Bridgewater, two men named Alan Smith—unrelated, unknown to each other, and living just five kilometres apart—became unwitting targets of a ruthless and coordinated campaign. Between 1988 and 2008, both were systematically threatened by Telstra, its high-powered legal firm Freehill Hollingdale & Page, and a network of bounty hunters—commissioned agents who earned lucrative rewards for extracting payments from Telstra customers disputing their bills.

These weren’t isolated cases. They were part of a sweeping, sinister pattern. Thousands of Telstra consumers across Australia, all suffering from persistent telephone faults, were bullied into paying inflated or erroneous bills. The common denominator? Their billing disputes stemmed directly from the very phone problems Telstra refused to acknowledge or fix.

Despite mounting evidence that Telstra’s network—particularly the Ericsson AXE exchanges—was riddled with faults, government bureaucrats turned a blind eye. They allowed the courts to pursue these consumers, knowing full well that the problems might originate from the government-owned Telstra itself. It was a betrayal not just of law, but of conscience.
 

The Machinery of Coercion.

This was not mere negligence—it was institutionalised extortion. Telstra’s legal teams and bounty hunters operated with impunity, armed with flawed data and protected by bureaucratic silence. The two Alan Smith's were harassed for years, receiving legal threats and demands for payment on accounts they knew were corrupted by technical faults. No one came to investigate. No one came to listen.

Instead, the system closed ranks. Everything of importance went into lockdown mode. Evidence was ignored. Witnesses were dismissed. And the courts—fed by the same poisoned stream of misinformation—forced payment from victims already on the brink.

When AUSTEL, the then government communications authority (now known as ACMA), became aware that four named Australians—Ann Garms, Maureen Gillan, Graham Schorer, and myself—were being targeted in a revenge type of retaliation by Freehill Hollingdale & Page, Telstra's lawyers, the government informed us in October 1993 that Freehills would have no further involvement in the COT Cases (see 40 Prologue Evidence File No/2). Despite this assurance, I was still being threatened by Telstra's senior management. Register your complaints in writing with Freehills, or Telstra will treat you as vexatious and your complaints as frivolous. 

This Telstra internal email, dated 21 April 1993, FOI folio C04094 from Greg Newbold to Telstra's Don Pinel, states:-

“Don, thank you for your swift and eloquent reply.  I disagree with raising the issue of the courts.  That carries an implied threat not only to COT cases but to all customers that they’ll end up as lawyer fodder.  Certainly that can be a message to give face to face with customers and to hold in reserve if the complaints remain vexacious .” GS File 75 Exhibit 1 to 88

⚖️  Lawyer Fodder

This is the same Freehill Hollingdale & Page whose fax log imprint appears on the two letters, to the other Alan Smith of Cape Bridgewater, as shown in the above image.

However, the good news is that Freehill Hollingdale & Page are now good lawyers trading under the name Herbert Smith Freehills Melbourne, although, as part of Telstra’s arbitration defence of my claims, they used Ian Joblin, a clinical psychologist, to view my mental state. To ensure the arbitrator was misled into believing my business was no longer experiencing ongoing telephone problems, Freehill Hollingdale & Page, on behalf of Telstra, provided Mr Joblin with a report that Telstra knew was fabricated (refer to Telstra's Falsified BCI Report 2). 

The BCI report alleged that 13,590 test calls to the Cape Bridgewater unmanned telephone switching service were successfully transmitted over a staggered five‑day period, yet not one single telephone call connected to the CCS7 device that Bell Canada International Inc. alleged had been used because the nearest Telephone exchange that could accomodate the CCS7 testing equipment was in the rural town of Warrnambool 116 kiolmetes from Cape Bridgewater.

By a twist of fate, I was able to convince Mr Joblin that he had been misled by Freehill Hollingdale & Page, or that they had been misled by Telstra, when I provided him with this report to read before analysing my mental state. It was then that Mr Joblin became angry and said he would write his concerns in his report and make it known to the arbitrator that he had been used, and that an investigation should be conducted.

However, when Mr Joblin’s witness statement was provided to Dr Hughes and incorporated into Mr Joblin’s report, it was received by the arbitrator and me unsigned, and nothing in it addressed Mr Joblin’s statement that either Telstra or Freehill Hollingdale & Page had misled him.
 
On 21 March 1997, twenty-two months after the conclusion of my arbitration, John Pinnock (the second appointed administrator to my arbitration), wrote to Telstra's Ted Benjamin (see File 596 → AS-CAV Exhibits 589 to 647) asking: 

1...any explanation for the apparent discrepancy in the attestation of the witness statement of Ian Joblin .

2...were there any changes made to the Joblin statement originally sent to Dr Hughes compared to the signed statement?" 

The fact that Telstra's lawyer, Maurice Wayne Condon of Freehills Herbert Smith Freehills Melbourne, signed the witness statement without the psychologist's signature highlights the significant influence Telstra lawyers have over the arbitration legal system in Australia.

It is now 2026, and I have still not received a response to John Pinnock's letter to Telstra, dated March 21, 1997, regarding this witness statement. This letter would have been helpful for my pending arbitration appeal. The lack of response is further evidence that Telstra and its highly paid legal firms know they can act with impunity against anyone who challenges their gross misconduct.

Absent Justice - The Firm

(see Prologue Evidence File 1-A to 1-C Freehill Hollingdale & Page legal advice

Stop the COT Cases at all costs

Worse, however, the day before the Senate committee uncovered this COT Case Strategy, discussed above, they were also told under oath, on 24 June 1997 see:- pages 36 to 39 Senate - Parliament of Australia from an ex-Telstra employee turned -Whistle-blower, Lindsay White, that, while he was assessing the relevance of the technical information which the COT claimants had requested, he advised the Committee that:

Mr White "In the first induction - and I was one of the early ones, and probably the earliest in the Freehill's (Telstra’s Lawyers) area - there were five complaints. They were Garms, Gill and Smith, and Dawson and Schorer. My induction briefing was that we - we being Telecom - had to stop these people to stop the floodgates being opened."

Senator O’Chee then asked Mr White - "What, stop them reasonably or stop them at all costs - or what?"

Mr White responded by saying - "The words used to me in the early days were we had to stop these people at all costs".

Senator Schacht also asked Mr White - "Can you tell me who, at the induction briefing, said 'stopped at all costs" .

Mr White - "Mr Peter Gamble, Peter Riddle".

Senator Schacht - "Who".

Mr White - "Mr Peter Gamble and a subordinate of his, Peter Ridlle. That was the induction process-" 

This is what upset Helen Handbury, Robert Murdoch's sister. After reading my second draft, titled "Ring for Justice," I struggled to express how unfair it was for the average Australian citizen to bear the costs of funding their own court cases, arbitration, and mediation processes against Telstra in their pursuit of reliable phone service for their businesses. Meanwhile, the government-owned Telstra Corporation covered the costs to ensure that Rupert, her brother, and his company, FOX, received the same reliable phone service to run their operations. 

Helen was a gracious person who, along with her husband Geoffrey, helped many people in south-west Victoria. When she offered to have Rupert publish "Ring for Justice," I chose to remain silent. It was only after Helen passed away in 2004, leaving behind much sadness among those who knew her, that I received a handwritten letter from Geoff Handbury. In his late 80s, he explained that it was beyond him to pursue whether Helen had provided Rupert with a copy of my publication, and I accepted that with grace. At least I cherish the memory of Helen Handbury, believing that I have a story worth reading

There are moments in a nation’s history when the truth reveals itself not through grand speeches or official inquiries, but through the quiet, devastating contrast between how the powerful are treated and how ordinary citizens are discarded. For me, that contrast became impossible to ignore in the early 1990s, when Telstra — still a government‑owned corporation — failed to meet its contractual obligations to Rupert Murdoch’s Fox operations.
 
The failure was significant. Telstra had promised a level of service capacity essential for Fox’s broadcasting and commercial expansion. When it couldn’t deliver, the consequences were immediate and costly. The government moved swiftly, decisively, and with a clarity of purpose I would never see applied to ordinary Australians. Murdoch’s companies received a compensation package reportedly in the hundreds of millions of dollars — a settlement negotiated behind closed doors, executed with precision, and justified as necessary to protect commercial confidence.
 
It was a masterclass in how the system responds when the aggrieved party is powerful, wealthy, and globally influential.
But while the government was quietly writing cheques to protect a multinational corporation, a very different story was unfolding for the rest of us.
 
Around the same time, a group of small business owners — the people who would later become known as the COT Cases — were fighting for something far more basic: the right to reliable telephone service. We weren’t asking for special treatment. We weren’t demanding millions. We simply wanted the service we had been promised, the service we were paying for, the service our livelihoods depended on.
 
When Telstra failed us, the consequences were catastrophic. Lost calls meant lost customers. Faulty lines meant lost bookings. Static, dropouts, and dead lines meant reputations destroyed. For some, it meant bankruptcy. For others, the collapse of marriages, health, and hope.
The government’s response?
 
Not swift. Not decisive. Not protective. Instead, we were herded into a government‑endorsed arbitration process — a process that, we were assured, would be fair, transparent, and independent. A process that would hold Telstra accountable. A process that would restore what we had lost.
 
But from the moment the ink dried on those agreements, it became clear that the arbitration system was designed not to deliver justice, but to contain us. To manage us. To neutralise us.
Where Murdoch received compensation for Telstra’s failure, we received legal bills.
Where Fox was treated as a partner, we were treated as a problem.
Where the government protected a corporation’s commercial interests, it protected Telstra from its own citizens.
 
Rupert Murdoch - Partners Telstra
 
Every Australian citizen must confront a grotesque reality: if Telstra indeed paid a staggering $400 million to Rupert Murdoch and Fox, as Senate Hansard suggests, then we are not merely talking about a transactional agreement—it is a flagrant cover-up of their failure to deliver on the promised National Broadband Network (NBN) cable fibre rollout. This shady arrangement raises grave questions about whose interests were truly protected in this corrupt alliance. Who among Telstra’s leadership condoned such duplicitous agreements, fully aware of the profound harm being inflicted upon the citizens they were meant to serve?
 

Absent Justice - Helen Handbury 

Chapter 1 - Can We Fix The CAN

I emphasise that if we accept the premise outlined in points 10 and 11 on page 5164 of the official Hansard records of the SENATE official Hansard – Parliament of Australia, as published by the Parliament of Australia, which indicates that Telstra and its board were aware that the company would not meet the mandated rollout deadline, serious concerns arise. Why were the COT Cases—business owners who have struggled for years due to widespread and systemic telecommunications problems caused by Telstra—forced to bear the burden of hundreds of thousands of dollars in professional arbitration fees? These business owners sought the help of an arbitrator to ensure that Telstra would finally address the ongoing phone problems that were damaging their businesses. If this situation does not qualify as severe discrimination, then what does?

This was public money overseen by the Telstra board. It’s crucial to emphasise that when this deal was made, Telstra was entirely owned by the people of Australia.

Senate comment follows:

  • Point 10. "Telstra's CEO and Board have known about this scam since 1992. They have had the time and opportunity to change the policy and reduce labour costs so that cable roll-out commitments could be met and Telstra would be in good shape for the imminent share issue. Instead, they have done nothing but deceive their Minister, their appointed auditors and the owners of their stockÐ the Australian taxpayers. The result of their refusal to address the TA issue is that high labour costs were maintained, and Telstra failed to meet its cable roll-out commitment to Foxtel. This will cost Telstra directly at least $400 million in compensation to News Corp and/or Foxtel and further major losses will be incurred when Telstra's stock is issued at a significantly lower price than would have been the case if Telstra had acted responsibly."
  • Point 11. "Telstra not only failed to act responsibly, but it also failed in its duty of care to its shareholders. So the real losers are the taxpayers and, to an extent, the thousands of employees who will be sacked when Telstra reaches its roll-out target of cable past 4 million households, or 2.5 million households if it is assumed that Telstra's CEO accepts directives from the Minister."

During the Senate investigation, insidious truths began to surface, with points 10 and 11 casting a dark shadow over the proceedings. Copies of the Hansard discussion were furtively distributed to at least 23 of the 76 Senators, revealing a labyrinth of corruption that lurked within the halls of power. It became increasingly clear that a cadre of influential figures within the Australian establishment was fully aware of the nefarious payout agreement, even as the entire Telstra board, along with others, intentionally turned a blind eye to the reality that Telstra could never fulfil the arbitrary deadline they set for the dubious $400,000 bounty.

This raises chilling questions: how many prominent individuals signed off on such a suspicious arrangement? On the 7 and 8 April 1994, eight COT Cases, including me, worked with AUSTEL's Chairman, Robin Davey, and General Manager, John MacMahon, and others in AUSTEL's (now ACMA) offices during a lockdown; no information left the building over those two days. We were searched as mobile phones were used in those days, and we were cautioned not to discuss with anyone what we were working on or had uncovered about Telstra.

We collectively uncovered evidence from surveys, AUSTEL, and the COT Cases indicating that more than 120,000 Telstra customers, including ourselves, were experiencing significant phone problems. What we were not informed of was that AUSTEL had communicated with Telstra, providing them with insights from our two-day meeting. Unbeknownst to the COT Cases group, AUSTEL was pressured to retract its critical findings in the April 1994 AUSTEL COT Cases Report, which had boldly stated that there were 120,000 ongoing cases of telephone issues faced by Telstra customers, similar to those within the COT Cases.

Disturbingly, this extensive documentation was manipulated to suggest that only 50 or more COT-type Telstra customers were experiencing issues, as reflected in AUSTEL's findings, which were then presented to the arbitrator overseeing our claims.

The actions of these influential parties require closer examination, as the integrity of the entire inquiry is at stake. For a more in-depth exploration of this complex web of deceit, please refer to Chapter 1 - Can We Fix The CANFor a government regulator to alter its findings from 120,000 COT-type Telstra customers facing similar problems to a report that misrepresents this data is indicative of serious misconduct. This is particularly concerning given the $400 million deal that Telstra and its board knew they would never be able to fulfil.

The COT Cases story reveals a chilling picture of betrayal and corruption, involving 21 different Australians who fell victim to a treacherous, rigged arbitration and mediation process orchestrated by Telstra. These individuals were ruthlessly coerced into spending hundreds of thousands of dollars on professional arbitration fees, desperate to prove that Telstra had been systematically unable to honour its contractual commitments. Under the guise of an agreement made through AUSTEL (now ACMA), Telstra had promised that, if we funded our arbitrations, no final ruling would be issued by the arbitrator until they could demonstrate that all faults plaguing our businesses had been rectified.

Yet, in a shocking display of duplicity, Telstra failed to meet this obligation. Despite the overwhelming evidence of their negligence, the arbitrator shamefully sided with Telstra, absurdly claiming the faults had been repaired when, in reality, nothing had changed. This betrayal left the affected individuals reeling in disbelief.

I was compelled to pay an astonishing sum of over $300,000 in arbitration fees, a staggering amount that should have never been required had there been any semblance of integrity in the process. This financial burden stemmed from the hollow assurances given by Robin Davey, Chairman of the Government Communications Authority AUSTEL, and Warwick Smith, the then Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman. They promised that the arbitrator would not render a formal decision (an award) until Telstra could unequivocally prove that every single one of my phone line issues had been identified and rectified. To this day, there is no documentation substantiating that Telstra ever addressed any of the myriad problems plaguing my service.

In a politically charged atmosphere, seven long months after my arbitration was unjustly cut short by Dr. Gordon Hughes, the arbitrator, AUSTEL's Darren Kearney made a covert ten-hour trek from Melbourne to my business on December 19, 1995. He left my premises with six spiral-bound arbitration submissions that Dr. Hughes had callously denied to his technical consultants, DMR & Lane, back on April 30, 1995. They had requested additional time to delve deeper into the complexities of my unresolved billing issues, but their pleas were dismissed outright, adding to the sense of injustice.

Fast forward to February 1996, when Darren Kearney produced a damning three-page report confirming that my billing problems were still ongoing, a revelation that highlighted the negligence of the entire process. The new owners of my business, who took it over in December 2001, corroborated my plight, revealing that they too were ensnared in the same web of confusion and frustration, facing persistent phone issues that lingered until November 2006 (See Chapter 4 The New Owners Tell Their Story  and Chapter 5 Immoral - Hypocritical Conduct). This was a full eleven years after Dr. Gordon Hughes had denied his consultants the crucial extra time needed to investigate my legitimate arbitration claims thoroughly.

It is incredibly frustrating and completely unfair that I had to cover the costs for service lines that Telstra was unable to fix, while simultaneously being burdened by exorbitant arbitration fees. If the Senate Hansard referenced above is accurate— and there is no reason to believe otherwise— it reveals that the Telstra Board paid $400 million in compensation to Rupert Murdoch and FOX despite failing to fulfil commitments to both parties involved.

In simpler terms, this situation shows that assistance is provided to the powerful while small business operators are left to fend for themselves. This scenario reeks of corruption, highlighting not only a systemic failure but also a blatant disregard for fairness and equity. It leaves individuals like me vulnerable, exploited, and disenfranchised in a process that seems designed to protect only those in positions of power, to the detriment of those who have no voice.

The continuation of this Home page can be read by clicking on: Not Fit For Purpose

 

Telstra-Corruption-Freehill-Hollingdale & Page
Telstra-Corruption-Freehill-Hollingdale & Page

Corrupt practices persisted throughout the COT arbitrations, flourishing in secrecy and obscurity. These insidious actions have managed to evade necessary scrutiny. Notably, the phone issues persisted for years following the conclusion of my arbitration, established to rectify these faults

Confronting Despair
Confronting Despair

The independent arbitration consultants demonstrated a concerning lack of impartiality. Instead of providing clear and objective insights, their guidance to the arbitrator was often marked by evasive language, misleading statements, and, at times, outright falsehoods.

Flash Backs – China-Vietnam
Flash Backs – China-Vietnam

In 1967, Australia participated in the Vietnam War. I was on a ship transporting wheat to China, where I learned China was redeploying some of it to North Vietnam. Chapter 7, "Vietnam—Vietcong," discusses the link between China and my phone issues.

A Twenty-Year Marriage Lost
A Twenty-Year Marriage Lost

As bookings declined, my marriage came to an end. My ex-wife, seeking her fair share of our venture, left me with no choice but to take responsibility for leaving the Navy without adequately assessing the reliability of the phone service in my pursuit of starting a business.

Salvaging What I Could
Salvaging What I Could

Mobile coverage was nonexistent, and business transactions were not conducted online. Cape Bridgewater had only eight lines to service 66 families—132 adults. If four lines were used simultaneously, the remaining 128 adults would have only four lines to serve their needs.

Lies Deceit And Treachery
Lies Deceit And Treachery

I was unaware of Telstra's unethical and corrupt business practices. It has now become clear that various unethical organisational activities were conducted secretly. Middle management was embezzling millions of dollars from Telstra.

An Unlocked Briefcase
An Unlocked Briefcase
On June 3, 1993, Telstra representatives visited my business and, in an oversight, left behind an unlocked briefcase. Upon opening it, I discovered evidence of corrupt practices concealed from the government, playing a significant role in the decline of Telstra's telecommunications network.
A Government-backed Arbitration
A Government-backed Arbitration

An arbitration process was established to hide the underlying issues rather than to resolve them. The arbitrator, the administrator, and the arbitration consultants conducted the process using a modified confidentiality agreement. In the end, the process resembled a kangaroo court.

Not Fit For Purpose
Not Fit For Purpose

AUSTEL investigated the contents of the Telstra briefcases. Initially, there was disbelief regarding the findings, but this eventually led to a broader discussion that changed the telecommunications landscape. I received no acknowledgement from AUSTEL for not making my findings public.
&am

A Non-Graded Arbitrator
A Non-Graded Arbitrator

Who granted the financial and technical advisors linked to the arbitrator immunity from all liability regarding their roles in the arbitration process? This decision effectively shields the arbitration advisors from any potential lawsuits by the COT claimants concerning misconduct or negligence.<

The AFP Failed Their Objective
The AFP Failed Their Objective

In September 1994, two officers from the AFP met with me to address Telstra's unauthorised interception of my telecommunications services. They revealed that government documents confirmed I had been subjected to these violations. Despite this evidence, the AFP did not make a finding.&am

The Promised Documents Never Arrived
The Promised Documents Never Arrived

In a February 1994 transcript of a pre-arbitration meeting, the arbitrator involved in my arbitration stated that he "would not determination on incomplete information.". The arbitrator did make a finding on incomplete information.

 

The Final Insult

When I left Cape Bridgewater for the last time in February 2019, I carried the weight of decades of disillusionment. What began in March 1987 as a simple fight for a fair go had twisted into something far more sinister — a long, punishing struggle against a system that seemed determined to break me. The arbitration process, which should have delivered truth and justice, instead unfolded like a carefully staged performance, its outcome shaped long before I ever stepped into the ring.

Throughout that ordeal, seven employees stood before the arbitrator and swore that my business had always enjoyed the “world’s best rural telephone service.” Seven statements. Seven signatures. Each one felt like another layer in a web designed to obscure, confuse, and suffocate the truth.

As we turned onto the ring road out of Portland, hoping to leave the nightmare behind, a towering billboard rose above the highway — a final, mocking reminder of everything I had endured.

Its message sliced through me like a blade:

 

“We’ve expanded Australia’s best network to Cape Bridgewater.”

 

Absent Justice - My Story

There it stood, bold and triumphant, completely at odds with the sworn statements that had shaped my arbitration. The billboard, erected in 2018, cast a long shadow over the entire process. It felt like a public contradiction, a silent revelation that the narrative presented during arbitration had never aligned with the reality on the ground.

In that moment, the façade cracked. The contrast between what had been said under oath and what now loomed above the highway was impossible to ignore. It was a chilling reminder of how easily truth can be buried, how effortlessly a narrative can be shaped, and how deeply betrayal can cut when trust has already been stretched to breaking point.

As of January 2026, Telstra and the government have still not released the promised FOI documents I needed to support my 1994/95 arbitration claims. 

 
Chapter 1
Chapter 1

Learn about government corruption and the dirty deeds used by the government to cover up these horrendous injustices committed against 16 Australian citizens

Chapter 2
Chapter 2
Betrayal deceit disinformation duplicity falsehood fraud hypocrisy lying mendacity treachery and trickery. This sums up the COT government endorsed arbitrations.
Chapter 3
Chapter 3
Ending bribery corruption means holding the powerful to account and closing down the systems that allows bribery, illicit financial flows, money laundering, and the enablers of corruption to thrive.
Chapter 4
Chapter 4

Learn about government corruption and the dirty deeds used by the government to cover up these horrendous injustices committed against 16 Australian citizens. Government corruption within the public service affected most if not all of the COT arbitrations. 

Chapter 5
Chapter 5
Corruption is contagious and does not respect sectoral boundaries. Corruption involves duplicity and reduces levels of morality and trust.
Chapter 6
Chapter 6
Anti-corruption policies need to be used in anti-corruption reforms and strategy. Corruption metrics and corruption risk assessment is good governance
Chapter 7
Chapter 7

Bribery and Corruption happens in the shadows, often with the help of professional enablers such as bankers, lawyers, accountants and real estate agents, opaque financial systems and anonymous shell companies that allow corruption schemes to flourish and the corrupt to launder their wealth.

Chapter 8
Chapter 8
Corrupt practices in government and the results of those corrupt practices become problematic enough – but when that corruption becomes systemic in more than one operation, it becomes cancer that endangers the welfare of the world's democracy.
Chapter 9
Chapter 9

Corruption in government, including non-government self-regulators, undermines the credibility of that government. It erodes the trust of its citizens who are left without guidance are the feel of purpose. Bribery and Corruption is cancer that destroys economic growth and prosperity. 

Chapter 10
Chapter 10

The horrendous, unaddressed crimes perpetrated against the COT Cases during government-endorsed arbitrations administered by the Telecommunication Industry Ombudsman have never been investigated. 

Chapter 11
Chapter 11

This type of skulduggery is treachery, a Judas kiss with dirty dealing and betrayal. This is dirty pool and crookedness and dishonest. This conduct fester’s corruption. It is as bad, if not worse than double-dealing and cheating those who trust you.&a

Chapter 12
Chapter 12
Absentjustice.com - the website that triggered the deeper exploration into the world of political corruption, it stands shoulder to shoulder with any true crime story.
 

Who We Are

Government Corruption → https://www.promoteyourstory.com.au/

Absent Justice was created to publish the true account of what happened during the Australian Government-endorsed arbitrations with Telstra. We are a group of Australians who call ourselves the Casualties of Telstra (CoT)—ordinary small-business owners who were systematically denied justice.

This website stands as a living archive of the unlawful conduct we endured. It documents how, for years, Telstra refused to acknowledge the phone faults that crippled our businesses, repeatedly telling us “No fault found.” Yet, government records—AUSTEL’s Adverse Findings, at points 2 to 212—prove that those faults existed for the entire duration of our seven-year arbitration claim.

Learn about horrendous crimes, unscrupulous criminals, and corrupt politicians and lawyers who control the legal profession in Australia. Shameful, hideous, and treacherous are just a few words that describe these lawbreakers.

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Who We Are

 

 

 

 

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“…the very large number of persons that had been forced into an arbitration process and have been obliged to settle as a result of the sheer weight that Telstra has brought to bear on them as a consequence where they have faced financial ruin if they did not settle…”

Senator Carr

Government Corruption, Bribery and Extortion. 

Who else in the Australian government was aware that Australian wheat intended for a starving communist China was being redirected to North Vietnam to feed the North Vietnamese soldiers before those soldiers marched into the jungles of North Vietnam to kill and maim Australian, New Zealand, and United States of America troops? Refer to Footnote 82 to 85 FOOD AND TRADE IN LATE MAOIST CHINA,1960-1978, prepared by Tianxiao Zhu, who even reports the name of our ship, the Hopepeak and how the seaman feared for our lives if we were forced to return to China with another cargo of Australian wheat. Australian wheat was being redeployed to North Vietnam during the period when Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America fought the Viet Cong in the jungles of North Vietnam.   

During the 1960s, the Australian Liberal-Country Party Government engaged in misleading conduct regarding trade with Communist China despite being cognizant that Australian merchant seamen had vehemently refused to transport Australian wheat to China. The grounds for such an objection were their apprehension that the grain would be redirected to North Vietnam during the Vietnam War between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America. The underlying inquiry is to ascertain the government's rationale for deliberately deceiving the general public and jeopardising the country's troops whose lives were being lost in the conflict in North Vietnam.  Murdered for Mao: The killings China 'forgot'

 

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