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Learn about horrendous crimes, unscrupulous criminals, and corrupt politicians and lawyers who control the legal profession in Australia. Shameful, hideous, and treacherous are just a few words that describe these lawbreakers.

Until the late 1990s, the Australian government-owned Australia's telephone network and the communications carrier, Telecom (today privatised and called Telstra). Telecom held a monopoly on communications and allowed the network to deteriorate into disrepair. Instead of our very deficient telephone services being fixed as part of our government-endorsed arbitration process, which became an uneven battle we could never win, they were not fixed as part of the process, despite the hundreds of thousands of dollars it cost the claimants to mount their claims against Telstra. Crimes were committed against us, and our integrity was attacked and undermined. Our livelihoods were ruined, we lost millions of dollars, and our mental health declined, yet those who perpetrated the crimes are still in positions of power today. Our story is still actively being covered up.

The arbitrators and advisors involved in the Casualties of Telstra (COT) arbitration operated in an environment rife with corruption and malevolence. Three of the four principal figures were lawyers who participated in a shocking array of illegal, scandalous, and unethical actions, undermining the very foundations of natural justice. What was promised as government-endorsed arbitration for justice turned out to be a facade, hiding the arbitrators' and their advisors' blatant misconduct.

 

Books Written Concurrently - Absent Justice

On 15 July 1995, two months after the arbitrator's premature announcement of findings regarding my incomplete claim, Amanda Davis, the former General Manager of Consumer Affairs at AUSTEL (now known as ACMA), provided me with an open letter to be shared with individuals of my choosing. This action underscores the confidence she placed in my integrity and professional character:

“I am writing this in support of Mr Alan Smith, who I believe has a meeting with you during the week beginning 17 July. I first met the COT Cases in 1992 in my capacity as General Manager, Consumer Affairs at Austel. The “founding” group were Mr Smith, Mrs Ann Garms of the Tivoli Restaurant, Brisbane, Mrs Shelia Hawkins of the Society Restaurant, Melbourne, Mrs Maureen Gillian of Japanese Spare Parts, Brisbane, and Mr Graham Schorer of Golden Messenger Couriers, Melbourne. Mrs. Hawkins withdrew very early on, and I have had no contact with her since.

The treatment these individuals have received from Telecom and Commonwealth government agencies has been disgraceful, and I have no doubt they have all suffered as much through this treatment as they did through the faults on their telephone services.

One of the striking things about this group is their persistence and enduring belief that eventually there will be a fair and equitable outcome for them, and they are to admired for having kept as focussed as they have throughout their campaign.

Having said that, I am aware all have suffered both physically and their family relationships. In one case, the partner of the claimant has become seriously incapacitated; due, I beleive to the way Telecom has dealt with them. The others have al suffered various stress related conditions (such as a minor stroke.

During my time at Austel I pressed as hard as I could for an investigation into the complaints. The resistance to that course of action came from the then Chairman. He was eventually galvanised into action by ministerial pressure. The Austel report looks good to the casual observer, but it has now become clear that much of the information accepted by Austel was at best inaccurate, and at worst fabricated, and that Austel knew or ought to have known this at the time.” 

After leaving Austel I continued to lend support to the COT Cases, and was instrumental in helping them negotiate the inappropriately named "Fast Track" Arbitration Agreement. That was over a year ago, and neither the Office of the Commonwealth Ombudsman nor the Arbitrator has been succsessful in extracting information from Telecom which would equip the claimants to press their claims effectively. Telecom has devoted staggering levels of time, money and resources to defeating the claiams, and there is no pretence even that the arbitration process has attemted to produce a contest between equals.

Even it the remaining claimants receive satisfactory settlements (and I have no reason to think that will be the outcome) it is crucial that the process be investigated in the interest of accountabilty of publical companies and the public servants in other government agencies. 

Because I am not aware of the exact citrcumstances surronding your meeting with Mr Smith, nor your identity, you can appriate that I am being  fairly circimspect in what I am prepared to commit to writing. Suffice it to say, though, I am fast coming to share the view that a public inquiry of some discripion is the only way that the reasons behind the appalling treatent of these people will be brought to the surface.

I would be happy to talk to you in more detail if you think that would be useful, and can be reached at the number shown above at any time. 

Thank you for your interest in this matter, and for sparing the time to talk to Alan. → Evidence File 5 - Testimonials.

What made the struggle even harder, thirty years ago, was the quiet but unmistakable pattern of institutional failure that sat behind every dropped call and every dead line. Rural Australia didn’t just suffer from poor phone services by accident. It suffered because the institutions responsible for providing those services — government departments, regulators, and the national carrier — treated rural customers as an afterthought.


The Arbitrator - Absent Justice
The Arbitraitor

 

Available to purchase at Promote Your StoryI have chosen the following narrative to introduce my story,

What “The Arbitraitor” reveals, along with my editor's findings, is a disturbing pattern: when unfavourable findings emerge against government officials and their agencies, essential information affecting citizens is wiped clean—erased as if it never existed—despite its necessity as evidence in trials, jurisdictional proceedings, or government-endorsed arbitration and mediation

 Buy Now ⟢

Unscrupulous, vile, and corrupt actions within the government have undermined the arbitration system in Australia, which the government had previously endorsed. Instances of foreign bribery and corrupt practices have infiltrated the COT arbitrations, as clearly demonstrated by "The Arbitrator" and the website absentjustice.com.
 
 
The Australian editor who never faltered. 
 
Ronda’s Discovery and the Birth of the COT Story
My review of The Arbitraitor is not merely a critique of a publication—it is a reckoning. It is the story of what my editor, Ronda, uncovered during her painstaking work, and how her discoveries forced me to confront a truth I had long suspected but never fully grasped: the arbitration process was never designed to deliver justice. It was engineered to bury it.
Ronda was not just an editor. She was a sentinel.
 
Ronda’s sharp mind uncovered a troubling truth: Ball Canada International Inc. could not have possibly completed the 13,590 individual test calls they claimed to have delivered over a five-day staggered period.
 
The testing equipment used for these tests required a 15-second reset time after each test, which made their success impossible. To achieve the claimed number of calls, they would have needed to generate calls every 8 seconds—a blatant impossibility.
 
While the Canadian government expressed concern over this egregious fraud committed by BCI Inc., which Telstra exploited in its arbitration defence, it was powerless to act due to jurisdictional limitations, as the deceit unfolded in Australia.
 
Instead of pursuing justice and holding those responsible accountable, the Australian government conspicuously turned a blind eye. They endorsed my arbitration while allowing this treachery to thrive, engaging in a calculated campaign to discredit me. This insidious betrayal has persisted for more than 30 years, revealing a disturbing alliance between Telstra and the Australian authorities, both of whom are complicit in a cover-up that undermines the very foundation of justice.
 

Absent Justice - Bell Canada International

I believe you are taking the most appropriate course of action

I have never received a written response from Bell Canada International Inc. (BCI, but the Canadian government ministers’ office wrote back on 7 July 1995, noting:

"In view of the facts of this situation, as I understand them, I believe you are taking the most appropriate course of action in contacting BCI directly with respect to the alleged errors in their test report, should you feel that they could assist you in your case."   

The Canadian Government's position on the Bell Canada International Inc. (BCI) Cape Bridgewater telephone exchange report uncovers an alarming conspiracy. In Australia, no entity—whether the government, legal professionals, or arbitrators—made any genuine effort to find the truth. 

The Canadian Government's position on the Bell Canada International Inc. (BCI) Cape Bridgewater telephone exchange report, coupled with their sincere concern that I had been misled, underscores their commitment to ethical practices. However, this concern also highlights a deeply troubling conspiracy taking place in Australia. Throughout this process, no entity—whether it was the government, legal professionals, or arbitrators—made any substantial effort to uncover the truth of the matter. 

In a twist that seems more like a cover-up than a resolution, a Canadian technical consultant was dispatched to Australia under the pretence of addressing critical issues. This move, however, served merely as camouflage, skillfully crafted to conceal the alarming findings presented by the primary technical consultant, Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd (Australia). Their work painted a starkly different picture, yet the desperate attempts to obscure this reality raise serious questions about the integrity of those involved in the investigation.

Corruption reigned as Lane was swiftly acquired by Ericsson during the COT Case arbitrations, even while it was investigating the flawed Ericsson telephone equipment. The Australian government, complicit in this treachery, permitted the foreign giant to buy the very witness that should have exposed their wrongdoing. Lane, which had the potential to deliver damning evidence against the faulty Ericsson AXE testing procedures at Portland and Cape Bridgewater, instead made no findings regarding the ongoing telephone problems experienced with the Ericsson AXE equipment installed in the exchanges at Portland and Cape Bridgewater.
 
 
Canadian Flag 2
 
 
How could such blatant and unethical manipulation occur in a supposedly impartial system? Just weeks earlier, on March 9, 1995, Warwick Smith had provided written assurances that Lane would support only DMR Canada, noting that DMR was the principal investigator overseeing the situation. This was particularly concerning because, before the Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman's assurance, the COT cases had explicitly rejected Lane’s involvement due to their ties as former Telstra officials, raising significant questions about their objectivity.
 
In assessing my case, Lane investigated and commented on only 23 of the more than 200 complaints I had submitted for arbitration. Though DMR Canada was obligated to visit my business and the two telephone exchanges which serviced my business, they failed to conduct the necessary tests on my three telephone lines or the Ericsson equipment at these exchanges, even though this equipment was under scrutiny, the critical reason the COT cases were being arbitrated.
 

Institutional Failure and the Lane–Ericsson Collapse
 

Corruption reigned the moment Lane Telecommunications was quietly absorbed by Ericsson during the COT Case arbitrations. It was a manoeuvre so brazen that even now, decades later, it stands as one of the clearest examples of institutional betrayal in the entire saga. Lane had been appointed as an “independent” technical advisor — the very body meant to scrutinise the Ericsson AXE equipment that was causing catastrophic faults at Portland and Cape Bridgewater. Yet, while the arbitrations were still underway, the Australian government allowed Ericsson to purchase Lane outright.

The implications were staggering. A foreign corporation under investigation for supplying faulty equipment was permitted to buy the very witness that should have exposed its wrongdoing. Instead of delivering the damning findings that the evidence demanded, Lane produced nothing of substance. It made no findings about the persistent AXE faults that crippled the exchanges at Portland and Cape Bridgewater. It offered no explanation for the ongoing call failures, no accountability, no transparency. The silence was not accidental — it was engineered.

Four of us — Ann Garms, Maureen Gillan, Graham Schorer, and myself — were represented by George Close & Associates, one of the most respected technical consultancies in the country. George Close repeatedly requested the raw BCI test data for each of our services. This data was essential. It was the only way to verify whether the BCI testing had been conducted properly or manipulated to conceal the faults we were experiencing.

But Telstra refused to provide it. Not under Freedom of Information. Not under discovery. Not under any legal obligation that should have compelled them to disclose it. The raw data simply never arrived.

And this wasn’t a secret. Lane knew. DMR Group Canada knew. The arbitrator knew. The government knew. Yet despite being fully informed that the BCI testing was incomplete, unverifiable, and fundamentally flawed, neither Lane nor DMR conducted any investigation into our claims. They accepted Telstra’s word without evidence, without scrutiny, and without the raw data that would have exposed the truth.

The result was a process that looked like arbitration on the surface but operated like a cover‑up underneath. The institutions that were supposed to protect us — the arbitrator, the technical advisors, the government — instead protected themselves and the corporation they were aligned with. The failure wasn’t procedural. It was systemic. It was deliberate. And it left four small business operators fighting a telecommunications giant with no access to the very evidence that would have proved our case.

The BCI testing was flawed. Lane’s independence was compromised. The government’s oversight was nonexistent. And the truth — the truth we fought so hard to bring forward — was buried under a structure designed to ensure it never saw daylight.

This shocking reality paints Australia as not just a country that claims to uphold the rule of law, but as a nation willing to sacrifice its integrity to allow foreign interests to dictate outcomes. It is a betrayal of trust, a treacherous alliance that undermines the principles of justice and fairness, echoing the chilling truth that in the shadows of power, corruption thrives (See Chapter 5 - US Department of Justice vs Ericsson of Sweden).
 
Australia’s wheat trade during the 1960s stands as a treacherous betrayal of trust, a dark chapter that exemplifies bureaucratic failure at its most insidious. I believe this situation is intricately connected to the dubious Cape Bridgewater tests orchestrated by Bell Canada International Inc., and the sinister acquisition of Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd by Ericsson. This is particularly alarming given that Lane was appointed by the Australian Government to investigate Ericsson, creating an unsettling conflict of interest.
 
By buying Lane, Ericsson essentially secured access to the entire COT arbitration process and gained insight into the claims in the COT Cases. This backdoor manoeuvre allowed them to exploit confidential information, knowing full well that the company whose malfunctioning equipment had obliterated these businesses was now privy to their sensitive data.
 

The New Zealand editor, who gave their all and then some.

Why would two editors, one from Australia and the other from New Zealand, volunteer to edit for free?

Several Senators, along with a former government bureaucrat who has peered into the shadows of my COT story, have become entangled in a web of deceit surrounding the government's failure to transparently address the unresolved issues of COT cases. They have fiercely condemned those complicit in allowing Telstra, the arbitrator, and his dubious allies to act with disturbing impunity.

Among this tangled conspiracy is an editor named Lyn from the South Island of New Zealand. When whispers of a documentary began circulating among over 5,600 members on LinkedIn who were drawn into my narrative, Lyn, who was initially compensated for her work, soon found herself horrified by the dark truths unfolding about the Australian government's collusion in an arbitration process they had grotesquely labelled 'fair'. Like my Melbourne editor, Ronda, Lyn became deeply unsettled as she combed through the chilling evidence, meticulously ensuring I hadn’t fabricated the alarming actions taken by the arbitrator and the process administrator to protect Telstra while sacrificing the sixteen COT cases. Astoundingly, she continued to assist me for years without demanding the customary fee, perhaps recognising the gravity of what lay at stake.
 
If this part of my COT saga appears too sinister to accept, I urge you, the reader, to delve into Evidence File 5 - Testimonials. There, you will uncover the stark confessions of a former government bureaucrat, deeply entrenched in my case and those of three other COT cases, along with Senator Ron Boswell, laying bare the harrowing truths of the COT cases episode—a chilling testament to a system rigged against justice.

 

The Ericsson List - Absent Justice

 

Ericsson’s nefarious dealings in terrorism 

A Continuation: The Same Pattern of Institutional Failure
The pattern that played out in the Ericsson scandal and the Vietnam‑era wheat trade is the same pattern that defined the COT arbitrations: institutions acting in secrecy, protecting their own interests, and leaving ordinary Australians to carry the consequences. Whether it was a multinational corporation operating in conflict zones or a government trading wheat during wartime, the underlying behaviour was identical — silence, denial, and a refusal to confront the truth.

In the COT Cases, that same institutional instinct to protect the powerful was on full display. Telstra withheld raw BCI test data that was essential to our claims. Lane Telecommunications, supposedly independent, was quietly absorbed by Ericsson while still acting as the arbitrator’s technical advisor. DMR Group Canada, fully aware of the missing data and the compromised testing, conducted no investigation. And the Australian government — the very body that should have ensured fairness — allowed the process to proceed as though nothing was wrong.

The institutions involved behaved as though transparency was optional and accountability was negotiable. They operated behind closed doors, confident that the public would never see the documents, the correspondence, or the evidence that revealed the truth. And for years, they were right. The silence held.

But the pattern was unmistakable. Just as the wheat trade continued during the Vietnam War despite its moral contradictions, and just as Ericsson continued operating in Iraq despite the risks and the questionable payments uncovered years later, the COT arbitrations proceeded under a veneer of legitimacy while the core evidence was withheld, manipulated, or ignored.

For us — Ann Garms, Maureen Gillan, Graham Schorer, and myself — the consequences were not theoretical. They lived. They were financial, emotional, and deeply personal. We were small business operators fighting for survival, and the institutions that should have protected us instead protected themselves. They protected Telstra. They protected the process. They protected the narrative.
The missing BCI data was not a clerical oversight. It was a structural failure. The acquisition of Lane by Ericsson was not an unfortunate coincidence. It was a conflict of interest of the highest order. And the refusal of DMR Group to investigate, despite knowing the evidence was incomplete, was not an administrative lapse. It was a breach of duty.

These were not isolated events. They were part of a continuum — a long, well‑documented history of institutions prioritising their own interests over the truth. The Ericsson scandal and the wheat trade are reminders that this behaviour is not new. It is systemic. It is entrenched. And it is always the ordinary citizen who pays the price.

The COT Cases were not just about faulty phone lines. They were about a system that failed — deliberately, repeatedly, and at every level. And the legacy of that failure still echoes today.

In light of these parallels, I am compelled to present a condensed version of my China-Vietnam wheat saga as part of my arbitration case. Disturbingly, documents obtained from Telstra through a Freedom of Information request suggest I was still under electronic surveillance after discussing China-related documents with former Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser. This raises unsettling questions: Is there a sinister link, or is it simply a treacherous coincidence that I received those documents?

 
Echoes of Betrayal: Wheat Sales to China - and the Government bureaucrats who continued to tell Australia's politicians what several other seamen and I had witnessed in China was a lie. The following information shows we risked all to expose the truth.  
 
The betrayal is not new. Reflecting on Australia’s wheat sales to Communist China in 1967, the hypocrisy becomes clear. Bureaucrats knowingly allowed grain to be repurposed to fuel North Vietnam’s war effort against Australian, New Zealand, and American troops. This act of negligence and complicity demonstrates how detached decision-makers, insulated by theory and bureaucracy, can transform potential solutions into catastrophic consequences. It is a reminder that betrayal often comes not from enemies abroad, but from incompetence at home.
 
I returned to Australia on 18 September 1967, having narrowly escaped China and been fundamentally changed from the person I was when I left in June 1967. Yet, over the past thirty years, I have been treated disgracefully, no differently than other brave whistleblowers who dared to stand up for the truth against a backdrop of horror, scandal, and betrayal. The corruption runs deep, and the implications are horrifying.
 
My anger—and that of my crewmates—was never directed at the idea of sending wheat to a starving China on humanitarian grounds. None of us objected to helping civilians in desperate need. What ignited our fury was something far darker: the knowledge that, despite my formal warnings to the Commonwealth Police (now the AFP) and to The Hon. Malcolm Fraser, then Minister for the Army, on 18 September 1967, that some of this so‑called humanitarian wheat was being diverted to North Vietnam, this terrible trade continued (Refer to Chapter 7- Vietnam-Viet-Cong-2)
 

 The People's Republic of China 

Chinese Red Guards - Absent Justice

Murdered for Mao: The killings China ‘forgot’

The Letter, the Truth, and the Waiting

In August 1967, I found myself in a situation so precarious, so surreal, that it would etch itself into the marrow of my memory. I was aboard a cargo ship docked in China, surrounded by Red Guards stationed on board twenty-four hours a day, spaced no more than thirty paces apart. After being coerced into writing a confession—declaring myself a U.S. aggressor and a supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader in Taiwan—I was told by the second steward, who handled the ship’s correspondence, that I had about two days before a response to my letter might reach me. That response, whatever it might be, would be delivered by the head of the Red Guards himself.

It was the second steward who quietly suggested I write to my parents. I did. I poured myself into 22 foolscap pages, writing with the urgency of a man who believed he might not live to see the end of the week. I told my church-going parents that I was not the saintly 18-year-old they believed I was. I confessed that the woman they had so often thanked in their letters—believing her to be my landlady or carer—was in fact my lover. She was 42. I was 18 when we met. From 1963 to 1967, she had been my anchor, my warmth, my truth. I wrote about my life at sea, about the chaos and the camaraderie, about the loneliness and the longing. I wrote because I needed them to know who I really was, in case I was executed before I ever saw them again.

As the ship’s cook and duty mess room steward, I had a front-row seat to the daily rhythms of life on board. I often watched the crew eat their meals on deck, plates balanced on the handrails that lined the ship. We were carrying grain to China on humanitarian grounds, and yet, the irony was unbearable—food was being wasted while the people we were meant to help were starving. Sausages, half-eaten steaks, baked potatoes—they’d slip from plates and tumble into the sea. But there were no seagulls to swoop down and claim them. They’d been eaten too. The food floated aimlessly, untouched even by fish, which had grown scarce in the harbour. Starvation wasn’t a concept. It was a presence. It was in the eyes of the Red Guards who watched us eat. It was in the silence that followed every wasted bite.

A Tray of Leftovers and a Silent Exchange

After my arrest, I was placed under house arrest aboard the ship. One day, I took a small metal tray from the galley and filled it—not with scraps, but with decent leftovers. Food that would have gone into the stockpot or been turned into dry hash cakes. I walked it out to the deck, placed it on one of the long benches, patted my stomach as if I’d eaten my fill, and walked away without a word.

Ten minutes later, I returned. The tray had been licked clean.

At the next meal, I did it again—this time with enough food for three or four Red Guards. I placed the tray on the bench and left. No words. No eye contact. Just food. I repeated this quiet ritual for two more days, all while waiting for the response to my letter. During that time, something shifted. The Red Guard, who had been waking me every hour to check if I was sleeping, stopped coming. The tension in the air thinned, just slightly. And I kept bringing food—whenever the crew was busy unloading wheat with grappling hooks wrapped in chicken wire, I’d slip out with another tray.

To this day, I don’t know what saved me. It was certainly not the letter declaring myself a U.S. aggressor and a supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader in Taiwan. Maybe it was luck. Or perhaps it was that tray of food, offered without expectation, without speech, without condition. A silent gesture that said, “I see you. I know you’re hungry. I know you’re human.”

And maybe, just maybe, that was enough. British Seaman’s Record R744269 -  Open Letter to PM File No 1 Alan Smith's Seaman.  → Chapter 7- Vietnam-Vietcong-2

In essence, the Australian government faced an agonising moral dilemma — weighing the lives of its soldiers engaged in the conflict in North Vietnam against the desperate need to provide sustenance for an entire nation teetering on the brink of starvation. This heart-wrenching choice highlights the often-unseen complexities of international relations and humanitarian crises, revealing the painful calculations made in the pursuit of survival.

Footnote 83, 84 and 169 → in a paper submitted by Tianxiao  Zhu to - The Faculty of the University of Minnesota titled Secret Trails:  FOOD AND TRADE IN LATE MAOIST CHINA, 1960-1978, etc → Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy - Christopher M Isett June 2021 Tianxiao Zhu's Footnotes 83, 84, 169:

MS Hopepeak - Absent Justice In September 1967, a group of British merchant seamen quit their ship, the Hope Peak, in Sydney and flew back to London. They told the press in London that they quit the job because of the humiliating experiences to which they were subjected while in Chinese ports. They also claimed that grain shipped from Australia to China was being sent straight on to North Vietnam. One of them said, “I have watched grain going off our ship on conveyor belts and straight into bags stamped North Vietnam. Our ship was being used to take grain from Australia to feed the North Vietnamese. It’s disgusting.” 

84. The Minister of Trade and Industry received an inquiry about the truth of the story in Parliament, to which the Minister pointed out that when they left Australia, the seamen only told the Australian press that they suffered such intolerable maltreatment in various Chinese ports that they were fearful about going back. But after they arrived in London, Vietnam was added to their story. Thus the Minister claimed that he did not know the facts and did not want to challenge this story, but it seemed to him that their claims about Vietnam seemed to be an “afterthought.”

169. "...In Vancouver, nine sailors refused to work on a grain ship headed to China: two of them eventually returned to work, and the others were arrested. Just when the ship was about to sail, seven more left the ship but three of them later returned to work. In Sydney, six Canadian sailors left their ship; they resigned and asked to be paid, but the Australian immigration office repatriated them. At that time, a grain ship usually had crew members of about 40 people. A British ship lost the Chief Officer and sixteen seamen, who told journalists that if the ship were going to the communist countries, they would rather go to jail than work on the ship."

The Canadian Government and Its Moral Code of Ethics

 

Absent Justice - 12 Remedies Persued - 1

 

In the bush, we were still standing beside a crackling landline, hoping the connection would hold long enough to complete a single transaction.
The institutions responsible for telecommunications liked to talk about “equity of access,” but the lived reality was anything but equitable. Rural customers paid the same rates as city customers, yet received a fraction of the service. Complaints were logged, but rarely resolved. Faults were reported, but often dismissed as “intermittent” or “unconfirmed.” And when the system failed entirely, the burden fell on the small operator — not the institution — to absorb the cost.

For many rural businesses, this wasn’t just inconvenient. It was economically damaging. Missed calls meant missed income. Unreliable lines meant lost contracts. And the absence of mobile coverage meant no backup, no redundancy, no safety net. You were left exposed, and the institutions that should have protected you simply looked the other way.

What made it worse was the silence. The silence from regulators who should have enforced standards. The silence from ministers who should have demanded accountability. The silence from executives who knew the network was failing but insisted publicly that everything was “within acceptable limits.” That phrase — acceptable limits — became a kind of insult. Acceptable to whom? Certainly not to the people trying to run a business on a line that worked only when it felt like it.

This pattern of institutional neglect didn’t just inconvenience rural operators; it shaped their lives. It forced them to work harder, travel further, and absorb losses that city businesses never had to consider. It created a two‑tiered system of communication — one for the cities, and one for everyone else.

Looking back, it’s clear that the struggle for reliable phone service was never just about technology. It was about fairness. It was about accountability. It was about institutions that promised universal service but delivered something far less.

And for many rural Australians, that failure left scars that still haven’t fully healed.

 

Absent Justice - Telstra Copper Network

 

The type of corroded copper wire that I, along with approximately 120,000 other COT-type Australian citizens, experienced reflects the serious shortcomings in the government's investigation of our claims. My concerns, including those related to the government regulator, AUSTEL (now ACMA), were warranted, especially given that the arbitrator and Telstra did not resolve my ongoing billing claims during the arbitration. This situation highlights the significant issues within Australia's copper network, and in sources like Delimiter’s "Worst of the worst: Photos of Australia’s copper network | Delimiter

In the ongoing debate about political and media misinformation surrounding the National Broadband Network (NBN), one glaring issue remains shamefully overlooked: Did Australia's copper network truly meet the mandatory government regulatory requirements at the time of Telstra's privatisation? During my arbitration case, I received nine sworn statements from Telstra witnesses claiming that my service met network standards—assertions intended to suggest there were no ongoing telephone issues.

The critical question looms: Were these nine sworn statements made under oath genuine or fabricated? A truthful answer could have far-reaching consequences, potentially affecting billions of dollars in Commonwealth spending and exposing the possibility that Telstra deliberately misled the arbitrator to evade accountability for their actions towards me. The evidence clearly shows that my phone issues continued for eleven years after the arbitrator ruled in favour of Telstra, falsely asserting that they had resolved the network problems.

On 23 June 2015, I maintain that if the arbitrator had thoroughly examined all the evidence I submitted regarding my arbitration claims, he would have recognised my ongoing problem as legitimate rather than merely historical, as suggested in his final award. This is an egregious failure of justice that raises serious ethical concerns about the integrity of the entire process. It is clear from the following link dated > Unions raise doubts over Telstra's copper network; workers using ... that when read in conjunction with absentjustice.com and  which was released in March 1994, these copper-wire network faults have existed for more than 24 years.

9 November 2017: Sadly, many Australians in rural Australia can only access a second-rate NBN. This didn’t have to be the case: had the Australian government ensured the arbitration process it endorsed to investigate the COT cases’ claims of ongoing telephone problems been conducted transparently, it could have used our evidence to start fixing the problems we uncovered in 1993/94. This news article  https://theconversation.com/the-accc-investigation-into-the-nbn-will-be-useful-but-its-too-little-too-late-87095again, shows that the COT Cases' claims of copper-wire-ailing network were more than valid.  

28 April 2018: This ABC news article dated 28 April 2018 regarding the NBN see >NBN boss blames Government's reliance on copper for slow ... needs to be read in conjunction with my own story going back 20 1988 through to 2025, because had the arbitration lies told under oath by so many Telstra employees had not occurred then the government would have been in a better position to evaluate just how bad the copper-wire Customer Access Network (CAN) was just 7-years ago.

 

Absent Justice -  Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp and Residence

 

Call for Justice 

My name is Alan Smith, and this is the story of my battle with a telecommunications giant and the Australian Government. Since 1992, this battle has unfolded through various institutions, including elected governments, government departments, regulatory bodies, the judiciary, and the telecommunications behemoth Telstra—or Telecom, as it was known at the time this story began. The quest for justice continues to this day.

My story began in 1987, when I decided that my life at sea—where I had spent the previous 20 years—was over. I needed a new, land-based occupation to carry me through to retirement and beyond. Of all the places I had visited around the world, I chose to make Australia my home.

Hospitality was my calling, and I had always dreamed of running a school holiday camp. So imagine my delight when I saw the Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp and Convention Centre advertised for sale in The Age. Nestled in rural Victoria, near the small maritime port of Portland, it seemed perfect. I conducted what I believed was thorough due diligence to ensure the business was sound—or at least, all the due diligence I was aware of at the time. Who would have thought I needed to check whether the phones worked?

Within a week of taking over the business, I knew I had a problem. Customers and suppliers were telling me they had tried to call but couldn’t get through. That’s right—I had a business to run, but the phone service was, at best, unreliable, and at worst, completely absent. Naturally, we lost business as a result.

 

Absent Justice

 

The Camp was profoundly reliant on phone communication. It was our vital link to city dwellers eager to connect with our services. One of our most significant oversights—blinded by the charm of this coastal haven—was failing to investigate the existing telephone system. At the time, mobile coverage was virtually nonexistent, and business was conducted through traditional means—not online, and certainly not by email.

We soon discovered we were tethered to an antiquated telephone exchange, installed more than 30 years earlier and designed specifically for 'low-call-rate' areas. This outdated, unstaffed exchange had a pitiful capacity of just eight lines.

The Casualties of Telecom (COT Cases)
•  My fight began simply: to secure a working phone service.
•  Despite compensation promises, the faults persisted. I sold my business in 2002, but the new owners suffered the same fate.
•  Other small business owners joined me—we became known as the Casualties of Telecom.
•  All we ever asked: acknowledgement, repair, and fair compensation. A working phone—was that too much?

During a typical week, the picturesque Cape Bridgewater was home to 66 residential families—not including those who used their coastal retreats to escape the bustle of city life. This created a significant challenge, especially considering many of these families had children.

The eight service lines struggled to support a growing census of 130 adults and children. By the time a modern Remote Control Module (RCM) was finally installed in August 1991, twelve children had been added to the mix, bringing the total population to 144. However, various weekend visitors often brought that figure to 150 or more. 

The Hidden Cost of Cape Bridgewater’s Failing Lines

No wonder I was financially broken by the end of 1988—barely a year after taking over the business in late 1987. The reality was brutal: Cape Bridgewater’s telecommunications setup was catastrophically inadequate.

In stark terms, if just four of the 144 residences were making or receiving calls, only four lines remained for the other 140 residents. That’s not just poor planning—it’s a systemic failure. My business was strangled by a network that couldn’t support even the most basic communication needs. Every missed call was a missed opportunity. Every dropped connection was another nail in the coffin of a venture I had poured everything into.

We stepped into this complex landscape of limited connectivity and coastal beauty with ambition and optimism. The Camp was more than a business—it was a dream made real. A serene retreat where the stress of city life could dissolve into the ocean mist. However, as we quickly learned, dreams require infrastructure to thrive.

Our phone lines became both our lifeline and our most significant obstacle. Booking inquiries, supply orders, emergency calls—even simple conversations with clients—all had to pass through those eight fragile channels. During peak times, the lines were constantly engaged. Guests complained they couldn’t reach us. Suppliers missed confirmations. Opportunities slipped through our fingers like sand.

The two Telstra FOI documents that were concealed from the arbitrator during my arbitration process clearly demonstrate that my claims are not merely a figment of my imagination. These documents contradict the statements of nine Telstra employees, who testified under oath to the arbitrator that my claims were frivolous.

 

Absent Justice - My Story

 

“Our local technicians believe that Mr Smith is correct in raising complaints about incoming callers to his number receiving a Recorded Voice Announcement saying that the number is disconnected.

“They believe that it is a problem that is occurring in increasing numbers as more and more customers are connected to AXE.” (See False Witness Statement File No 3-A)

To further support my claims that Telstra already knew how severe the Ericsson Portland AXE telephone faults were, can best be viewed by reading Folios C04006C04007  and C04008, headed TELECOM SECRET (see Front Page Part Two 2-B), which state:

“Legal position – Mr Smith’s service problems were network related and spanned a period of 3-4 years. Hence Telecom’s position of legal liability was covered by a number of different acts and regulations. … In my opinion Alan Smith’s case was not a good one to test Section 8 for any previous immunities – given his evidence and claims. I do not believe it would be in Telecom’s interest to have this case go to court.

“Overall, Mr Smith’s telephone service had suffered from a poor grade of network performance over a period of several years; with some difficulty to detect exchange problems in the last 8 months.”

The Weight of Treachery

My 3 February 1994 letter to Michael Lee, Minister for Communications (see Hacking-Julian Assange File No/27-A) and a subsequent letter from Fay Holthuyzen, assistant to the minister (see Hacking-Julian Assange File No/27-B), to Telstra’s corporate secretary, show that I was concerned that my faxes were being illegally intercepted.

Leading up to the signing of the COT Cases arbitration, on 21 April 1994, AUSTEL wrote to Telstra on 10 February 1994 stating:

“Yesterday we were called upon by officers of the Australian Federal Police in relation to the taping of the telephone services of COT Cases.

“Given the investigation now being conducted by that agency and the responsibilities imposed on AUSTEL by section 47 of the Telecommunications Act 1991, the nine tapes previously supplied by Telecom to AUSTEL were made available for the attention of the Commissioner of Police.” (See Illegal Interception File No/3)

An internal government memo, dated 25 February 1994, confirms that the minister advised me that the Australian Federal Police (AFP) would investigate my allegations of illegal phone/fax interception. (See Hacking-Julian Assange File No/28)

This internal, dated 25 February 1994, is a Government Memo confirming that the then-Minister for Communications and the Arts had written to advise that the Australian Federal Police (AFP) would investigate my allegations of illegal phone/fax interception. (AFP Evidence File No 4)

 

Absent Justice - My Story

 

A System Built on Silence

πŸ“  The Vanishing Faxes: A Calculated Disruption

Exhibits 646 and 647 (see ) clearly show that, in writing, Telstra admitted to the Australian Federal Police on 14 April 1994 that my private and business telephone conversations were listened to and recorded over several months, but only when a particular officer was on duty → Australian Federal Police Investigation File No/1

This particular Telstra technician, who was then based in Portland, not only monitored my phone conversations but also took the alarming step of sharing my personal and business information with an individual named Micky. He provided Micky with my phone and fax numbers, which I had used to contact my telephone and fax service provider (please refer to Exhibit 518, FOI folio document K03273 - ).

To this day, this technician has not been held accountable or asked to clarify who authorised him to disclose my sensitive information to Micky. I am perplexed as to why Dr Gordon Hughes did not pursue any inquiries with Telstra regarding this local technician’s actions. Specifically, why was he permitted to reveal my private and business details without any apparent oversight or justification?

The fax imprint across the top of this letter, dated 12 May 1995 (Open Letter File No 55-A), is the same as the fax imprint described in the 7 January 1999 Scandrett & Associates report the COT Cases provided to Senator Ron Boswell (see Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13), confirming faxes were intercepted during and after the COT arbitrations. One of the two technical consultants attesting to the validity of this 7 January 1999 fax interception report emailed me on 17 December 2014, stating:

“I still stand by my statutory declaration that I was able to identify that the incoming faxes provided to me for review had at some stage been received by a secondary fax machine and then retransmitted, this was done by identifying the dual time stamps on the faxes provided.” (Front Page Part One File No/14)

Question 81 in the following AFP transcriptsAustralian Federal Police Investigation File No/1, confirms that the AFP told me that AUSTEL's John MacMahon had supplied the AFP with evidence that my phones had been bugged over an extended period. Why did the arbitrator not award me in his official findings, given that he was supplied with these AFP transcripts, which note:

"... does identify the fact that, that you were live monitored for a period of time. See we're quite satisfied that, there are other references to it".

A letter dated 2 March 1994 from Telstra’s Corporate Solicitor, Ian Row, to Detective Superintendent Jeff Penrose (refer to Home Page Part-One File No/9-A to 9-C) strongly indicates that Mr Penrose was grievously misled and deceived about the faxing problems discussed in the letter. Over the years, numerous individuals, including Mr Neil Jepson, Barrister at the Major Fraud Group Victoria Police, have rigorously compared the four exhibits labelled (File No/9-C) with the interception evidence revealed in Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13. They emphatically assert that if Ian Row had not misled the AFP regarding the faxing problems, the AFP could have prevented Telstra from intercepting the relevant arbitration documents in March 1994, thus avoiding any damage to the COT arbitration claims. 

 

Absent Justice - Fax + Telephone Hacking

Shadiness, venality, degeneration 

The Australian Federal Police Investigation File No/1  provides crucial insights into their observations regarding my communications with a bus company named O'Meara. In September 1992, I negotiated with O'Meara to arrange transportation for students and single club members travelling from Melbourne to my holiday camp in Cape Bridgewater. A Telstra file note from that time includes a handwritten annotation in the top-right corner, noting "Meara" as the bus company I was interacting with. It is essential to highlight that my letter has no formal identification. I simultaneously dealt with four other bus companies during this period regarding the same transportation tender.

The document's significance, dated September 9, 1992, became apparent to the AFP when they later examined a separate fax document from October 29, 1993. This second document was processed ten months after the O'Meara negotiations concluded. The attachment to the October 29, 1993, Telstra fault record indicates that faxes exchanged between my office and the office of the COT spokesperson—designated as a test station by Telstra due to my reported issues with fax communications—were documented and retained by Telstra after screening. (Additional details can be found in the attached evidence labelled File 9-C - Home Page Part-One File No/9-A to 9-C).

Given these circumstances, the AFP began to speculate that the faxes of the COT Cases arbitration, specifically those exchanged with their advisors and various government ministers, may have been intercepted by this fax screening device. This concern raises critical questions about the security and confidentiality of sensitive communications at a pivotal stage of the arbitration process.

This Telstra internal FOI document, K01489, confirms that while Telstra was testing my Mitsubishi fax machine (using the COT spokesperson's office as the testing base), the document notes:

‘During testing the Mitsubishi fax machine some alarming patterns of behaviour was noted”. This document further goes on to state: “…Even on calls that were tampered with the fax machine displayed signs of locking up and behaving in a manner not in accordance with the relevant CCITT Group fax rules. Even if the page was sent upside down the time and date and company name should have still appeared on the top of the page, it wasn’t’

During a received call the machine failed to respond at the end of the page even though it had received the entire page (sample #3) The Mitsubishi fax machine remained in the locked up state for a further 2 minutes after the call had terminated, eventually advancing the page out of the machine. (See See AFP Evidence File No 9)

This is not just my story. It is a warning. A call to action. A demand for accountability.

By the middle of 1993, people had become interested in what they had heard about our battle. Several articles had appeared in my local newspaper, and interstate gossip about the COT group was growing. In June, Julian Cress from Channel Nine's 'Sixty Minutes' documentary television programme faxed me:

Just a note to let you know that I had some trouble getting through to you on the phone last Thursday. Pretty ironic, considering that I was trying to contact you to discuss your phone problems.

The problem occurred at about 11 am. On the 008 number I heard a recorded message advising me that 008 was not available from my phone and your direct line was constantly engaged.

Pretty ironic, all right!

special feature in the Melbourne Age Newspaper gave my new 'Country Get-A-Ways' program a great write-up. It was marketing weekend holidays for over-40s singles in Victoria and South Australia: an outdoor canoe weekend, a walking and river cruise along the Glenelg River, a Saturday Dress-up Dinner Dance with a disco, a trip to the Coonawarra Wineries in South Australia, and a Saturday morning shopping tour to Mt Gambier. I began to feel things were looking up for the Camp.

It was too much to hope for that my telephone saga was ending. A fax arrived on 26 October 1993 from Cathine, a relative of the Age journalist who wrote the feature:

Alan, I have been trying to call you since midday. I have rung seven times to get an engaged signal. It is now 2.45 pm.

In response to my request for feedback between May and October of 1993, I received 36 letters from different individuals and more than 40 other complaints from people who had unsuccessfully tried to respond to my advertisements (File - 9-A AS-CAV Exhibit 1 to 47). The Hadden & District Community House wrote in April 1993:

Several times I have dialled 055 267 267 number and received no response — dead line. I have also experienced similar problems on your 008 number.

Our youth worker, Gladys Crittenden, experienced similar problems while organising our last year's family camp, over a six month period during 1991/1992.

Absent Justice - My Story - Loretto College

From April 1990 through December 2001, I prioritised sponsoring underprivileged groups to stay at the holiday camp, even during the weeks when the camp was experiencing phone problems. Various charitable organisations coordinated food deliveries for these groups, and coach companies provided a 46-seater school bus, with my endorsed vehicle covering the necessary provisions when I drove. This sponsorship brought in much-needed revenue for the business and helped spread the word, as visitors shared their positive experiences. It's worth noting that the organisers of these groups were so committed that they would drive for hours to make a booking.

The organisers of these groups would drive for hours to make a booking, as Loreto College did (see below).  

The holiday Camp could sleep around 90 to 100 persons in fourteen cabins.  I arranged sponsored food purchases through the generosity of several commercial food outlets, and these groups then just used the camp facilities. It didn’t cost me anything other than a small amount of electricity and gas.  Around May 1992, I organised a charity week for kids from Ballarat and the South West, including Warrnambool, Hamilton and Portland.  This group was organised by Sister Maureen Burke IBVM, the Principal of Loreto College in Ballarat, and I am sure she would not be offended to know that I think of her as the ‘mother’ of the project.

Arrangements regarding food, transport, and any special needs the children might have had to be handled over the phone, and of course, Sister Burke had enormous problems making phone contact; calls were either ringing out, or she was getting a deadline or a message that the number she was ringing was not connected to the Telstra network. Sister Burke knew otherwise. On two occasions in 1992, after trying in vain for a week, she drove the 3½ hours to make the final arrangements for those camps.

Just as she arrived at the Camp, Karen took a phone call from a furious man who wanted information about a singles weekend we were trying to set up. This caller was quite abusive. He couldn't understand why we were advertising a business but never answered the phone. Karen burst into tears. She had reached the end of her tolerance, and nothing I could say was any help. When Sister Burke appeared in the office, I decided absence was the better part of valour and removed myself, leaving the two women together. Much later, Sister Burke came out and told me she thought it was probably best for both of us if Karen left Cape Bridgewater. I felt numb. It was all happening again.

But it wasn't the same as it had been with Faye. Karen and I sat and talked. True, we would separate, but I assured her that she would lose nothing because of her generosity and that I would do whatever was necessary to buy her out. We were both relieved at that. Karen rented a house in Portland, and we remained good friends. Without her day-to-day assistance at the Camp, which had given me space to travel, I had to drop my promotional tours.

Twelve months later, in March of 1993, Sister Karen Donnellon, also from Loreto College, tried to make contact via the Portland Ericsson telephone exchange to arrange an annual camp.   Sister Donnellon later wrote:

“During a one week period in March of this year I attempted to contact Mr Alan Smith at Bridgewater Camp.  In that time I tried many times to phone through.

Each time I dialled I was met with a line that was blank.  Even after several re-dials there was no response.  I then began to vary the times of calling but it made no difference.” File 231-B  AS-CAV Exhibit 181 to 233

Some years later, I sent Sister Burke an early draft of my manuscript, Absent Justice My Story‘, concerning my valiant attempt to run a telephone-dependent business without a dependable phone service. Sister Burke wrote back,

“Only I know from personal experience that your story is true, otherwise I would find it difficult to believe. I was amazed and impressed with the thorough, detailed work you have done in your efforts to find justice”  File 231-A  AS-CAV Exhibit 181 to 233

Of course, Sister Maureen Burke and Sister Karen Donnellon persisted with their continuing battle to find a way to get a proper telephone connection for the holiday camp, partly because it was a low-cost holiday for all concerned but also because these incredible women were well aware that my business was continuing to exist, albeit ‘by the skin of its teeth, even though Telstra’s automated voice messages kept on telling prospective customers that the business did not exist or the callers simply reached a dreaded silence that appeared to indicate that the number they had called was attached to a ‘dead’ line.  Either way, I lost the business that may have followed if only the callers could have successfully connected to my office via this dreaded Ericsson AXE telephone exchange.

 

Absent Justice - My Story

 

A letter dated 6 April 1993, from Cathy Lindsey, Coordinator of the Haddon & District Community House Ballarat (Victoria) to the Editor of Melbourne’s Herald-Sun newspaper,  read:

“I am writing in reference to your article in last Friday’s Herald-Sun (2nd April 1993) about phone difficulties experienced by businesses.

I wish to confirm that I have had problems trying to contact Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp over the past 2 years.

I also experienced problems while trying to organise our family camp for September this year. On numerous occasions I have rung from both this business number 053 424 675 and also my home number and received no response – a dead line.

I rang around the end of February (1993) and twice was subjected to a piercing noise similar to a fax. I reported this incident to Telstra who got the same noise when testing.” Evidence File 10 B 

During this same period, 1992 and 1993, Cathy Lindsey, a professional associate of mine, signed a Statutory Declaration, dated 20 May 1994, explaining several sinister happenings when she attempted to collect mail on my behalf from the Ballarat Courier Newspaper office (File 22 Exhibit 1 to 47).  This declaration leaves unanswered questions about who collected my mail and how they knew there was mail to collect from the Ballarat Courier mail office.  On both occasions, when a third party collected this mail, I telephoned Cathy to inform her that the Ballarat Courier had notified me that mail was waiting to be picked up.

On pages 12 and 13 of the transcript from the AFP inquiry into my allegations that Telstra unlawfully intercepted my telephone conversations, the AFP states at Q59 Australian Federal Police Investigation File No/1:-

“And that, I mean that relates directly to the monitoring of your service where, where it would indicate that monitoring was taking place without your consent?” File 23-A Exhibit 1 to 47

I also provided the AFP Telstra documents showing that Telstra was worried about my telephone complaint evidence. If it ever reached an Australian court, I had a 50% chance of proving that Telstra had systemic network problems. In simple terms, Telstra was operating outside its license to provide a telephone service, charging its customers for a service it was not providing.  

Astonishingly, one letter, dated 17 May 1993, was from a senior Telstra technical engineer, who wrote regarding his own experience of trying to ring me:

"On the 24/2/93 I received a phone call from a technician at Portland who stated he had been given a fault from (1100 fault dept.) indicating a customer in Ballarat had trouble calling your business 055 267 267. I then attempted to ring 055 267 267 myself, the ring was tripped after several bursts, i.e. ‘answered’ and I received a loud noise similar to a radio carrier noise and a very faint ‘Hello’."

At last, a second person inside Telstra acknowledged that I had a problem with the phone service! The engineer had even given me his name. Yet in the course of their defence of my arbitration claims, Telstra proffered a Witness Statement from this man (made in December 1994) that included no reference to this (see Summary of events/ Chapter Two to Five)   

On 9 June 1993. A TV news program was also a target for Telstra's executives to muzzle the media regarding the validity of the COT Cases claims and that of three single members from Ballarat who had spoken to Jason Cameron (Channel Nine TV reporter) regarding their failed effort to reach the Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp by telephone from Skipton and Scarsdale.  This Telstra internal email dated 16 June 1993 FOI folio A04646 (AS 956) reports:

"Good news re channel nine news. Haven’t checked all outlets but as it didn’t run on the main bulletin last night, we can be pretty certain that the story died the death. I wish I could figure which phase it was that convinced Jason Cameron not to proceed. Might have been one of Jim Holmes' pearls..."

As the Telstra Corporate Secretary, Jim Holmes, the reader by now may well be asking themselves: what type of pearl had been cast by Jim Holmes? Were they pearls of wisdom, financial pearls, or a different kind of pearl that convinced a respected journalist to drop a story? 

On 12 July 1993, a newspaper article from the Portland Observer Newspaper, headed ‘Network Complaints Taken Up by MPs’ and notes:

“Problems highlighted by Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp operator Alan Smith, with the Telecom network have been picked up on by not only other disgruntled customers but Federal politicians. Having suffered a faulty telephone service for some five years, Mr Smith’s complaints had for some time fallen on deaf ears, but it now seems people are standing up and listening. Federal Member for Wannon, David Hawker, described the number of reports of faulty and inadequate telephone across Australia as alarming. Mr Hawker said that documents recently presented to him showed that the problems people had been experiencing Australia wide had been occurring repeatedly in the Portland region.” (See Cape Bridgewater Chronology of Events File No -17)

The pressure on all four COT cases was immense, with TV and newspaper interviews and our continuing canvassing of the Senate. The stress was telling by now, but I continued to hammer for a change in rural telephone services. The Hon David Hawker MP, my local Federal member of parliament, has been corresponding with me since 26 July 1993.

“A number of people seem to be experiencing some or all of the problems which you have outlined to me. …“I trust that your meeting tomorrow with Senators Alston and Boswell is a profitable one.” (See Arbitrator File No/76)

On 18 August 1993, The Hon. David Hawker MP wrote to me again, noting:

“Further to your conversations with my electorate staff last week and today I am enclosing a copy of the correspondence I have received from Mr Harvey Parker, Group Managing Director of Commercial and Consumer division of Telecom. “I wrote to him outlining the problems of a number of Telecom customers in the Western Districts, including the extensive problems you have been experiencing.” (Arbitrator File No/77)

One of these letters, dated 23 August 1993, is particularly interesting. It came from a company of Insurance Loss Adjusters in Ballarat, a rural city in Victoria. It was sent to the producer of “Real Life”, a TV current affairs program then broadcast on Channel 7.  The Loss Adjusters wrote:  Re Problems with Telstra.”

"I have watched with interest the shorts leading up to tonight’s program as I have similar problems to the man at Cape Bridgewater.

Our office is located in Ballarat and due to Telecom structure the majority of our local calls are STD-fee based. (STD calls are charged per time)

On many occasions we have been unable to get through to numbers we have dialled, often receiving the message “this number is not connected” or similar messages which we know to be untrue.

Clients report that they often receive the engaged signal when calling us, and a review of the office reveals that at least one of our lines was free at the relevant time.

We have just received our latest Telecom bill, which in total is up about 25% – 30% on the last bill.  This is odd because our work load in the billing period was down by about 25% and we have one staff member less than the previous billing period.” (AS 1008)

In the first twelve months of 1993, I received another eleven written complaints about Ballarat tourists and single club patrons who, like Loretto College, had problems connecting to my holiday camp. 

 

Absent Justice - My Story

Children's lives could be at risk

Comments made from the Herald Sun newspaper dated 30 August 1993 confirm just how damaging some of these newspaper articles were to my already ailing business, with statements like:

“The Royal Children’s Hospital has told a holiday camp operators in Portland that it cannot send chronically ill children there because of Telecom’s poor phone service. The hospital has banned trips after fears that the children’s lives could be at risk in a medical emergency if the telephone service to the Portland camp continued to malfunction”.

The centre’s stand follows letters from schools, community groups, companies and individuals who have complained about the phone service at Portland’s Cape Bridgewater Holiday camp.”

Youths from the Royal Children’s Centre for Adolescent Health, who were suffering from “chronic illnesses”, visited the camp earlier this year.   

Group leader Ms Louise Rolls said in a letter to the camp the faulty phones had endangered lives and the hospital would not return to the camp unless the phone service could be guaranteed” Arbitrator File No/90

After the Melbourne Children's Hospital recorded a near-death experience with me having to rush a sick child with cancer to the Portland Hospital, 18 kilometres away from my holiday camp, Telstra finally decided to take my telephone faults seriously. None of the 35 children (all with cancer-related illnesses) had mobile phones, nor did the six or so nurses and carers. Mobile telephones could not operate successfully in Cape Bridgewater until 2004, eleven years after this event. 

(AUSTEL’s Adverse Findings), dated 4 March 1994, confirmed that my claims against Telstra were validated (see points 2 to 212 in that report). Unfortunately, I did not receive a copy of these findings until November 23, 2007, 12 years after the 23termination of my arbitration process. Moreover, the government officials had already validated my claims as early as March 4, 1994, six weeks before April 21, 1994, when I signed the arbitration agreement.

But despite that, I was still required to pay over $300,000 in arbitration fees to prove something the government had already established.

Three of those points, 2 to 212 in (AUSTEL’s Adverse Findings, are recoded below and might prompt yoy to download the whole 212 points, i.e.,

Point 115 –“Some problems with incorrectly coded data seem to have existed for a considerable period of time. In July 1993 Mr Smith reported a problem with payphones dropping out on answer to calls made utilising his 008 number. Telecom diagnosed the problem as being to “Due to incorrect data in AXE 1004, CC-1. Fault repaired by Ballarat OSC 8/7/93, The original deadline for the data to be changed was June 14th 1991. Mr Smith’s complaint led to the identification of a problem which had existed for two years.”

Point 153 –“A feature of the RCM system is that when a system goes “down” the system is also capable of automatically returning back to service. As quoted above, normally when the system goes “down” an alarm would have been generated at the Portland exchange, alerting local staff to a problem in the network. This would not have occurred in the case of the Cape Bridgewater RCM however, as the alarms had not been programmed. It was some 18 months after the RCM was put into operation that the fact the alarms were not programmed was discovered. In normal circumstances the failure to program the alarms would have been deficient, but in the case of the ongoing complaints from Mr Smith and other subscribers in the area the failure to program these alarms or determine whether they were programmed is almost inconceivable.”

Point 158 – “The crucial issue in regard to the Cape Bridgewater RCM is that assuming the lightning strike did cause problems to the RCM om late November 1992 these problems were not resolved till the beginning of March 1993, over 3 months later. This was despite a number of indications of problems in the Cape Bridgewater area. Fault reports from September 1992 also indicate that the commencement of problems with the RCM may have occurred earlier than November 1992. A related issue is that Mr Smith’s persistent complaints were almost certainly responsible for an earlier identification of problems with the RCM than would otherwise have been the case.”

As of 2026, this narrative reveals that despite the passage of time, little has changed since my fellow seamen and I bravely exposed a scandal involving Australian wheat. Initially sent to China under the guise of humanitarian aid, some of this wheat, once unloaded on Chinese shores, was surreptitiously redirected to North Vietnam. This grain, meant to represent our goodwill, was instead utilised to nourish the very enemies fighting against Australia and its allies in the tumultuous conflict in North Vietnam. The betrayal of intent in this situation underscores a deep-seated corruption that continues to threaten the fabric of justice in our nation.
 
 
Absent Justice - The Deception Continues
 
 
3. The Arbitration That Became a Trap
 
A Process Designed to Fail
Arbitration was supposed to be our shield—a mechanism to protect us from Telstra’s power. Instead, it became a weapon used against us.
The process twisted into something grotesque:
Evidence vanished.
Critical documents were withheld.
Decisions were made behind closed doors.
Who was really in charge of the arbitrator.​
It was not arbitration. It was entrapment.
 
4. The Treacherous Merger: Lanes Absorbed by Ericsson
 
A Reward for Their Silence
 
The most chilling betrayal came after my case concluded. The arbitrator—who should have been the guardian of fairness—allowed Lanes to be absorbed by Ericsson.
The timing was no coincidence. It was a reward. A payoff. A signal that those who protected the corporation would be protected in return.
This merger was the smoking gun that revealed the true nature of the arbitration: a closed loop of corporate self-preservation, where truth was expendable, and justice was irrelevant.
 
5. The TIO’s Complicity
 
Withholding the Truth During My Appeal
 
During my pending appeal, I sought clarity from the Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman (TIO). Instead, I encountered a wall of silence.
John Pinncock and the arbitration administrator refused to answer the simplest of questions:
Why was Lanes allowed to assess my claim?
Why was DMR Group Inc.—the appointed independent evaluator—ignored?
Who authorised this deviation from the agreed process?
 
The TIO’s silence was part of a broader pattern:
Information withheld.
Decisions concealed.
Accountability avoided.
The very body meant to protect consumers had become an accomplice in their betrayal.
 
 
Gaslighting - Absent Justice
 
 
6. A Web of Corruption
 
The Conspiracy That Choked the Truth
 
The deeper Ronda and I dug, the more suffocating the corruption became. This was not a series of isolated incidents. It was a coordinated effort involving:
Telstra
Lanes Telecommunications
Ericsson
The arbitrator
The TIO
We were undermind by the old system of Gaslighting.
Each played their part. Each contributed to burying the truth. Each ensured that justice remained out of reach.
 
7. The Emotional Toll: Betrayal as a Weapon
 
The Human Cost of Institutional Deceit
 
Ronda and I were not merely fighting a corporation. We were fighting a system designed to break those who dared to challenge. The exhaustion, the frustration, the sense of being cornered—it was all part of the strategy. Wear the claimant down. Delay until they collapse. Obscure until they lose hope. But we didn’t collapse. We didn’t disappear. And we didn’t stop documenting.
 
 
Absent Justice - Violated Rights
 
 
8. Why This Story Must Be Told
 
The Arbitraitor as a Warning
 
The corruption exposed in The Arbitraitor is not historical trivia. It is a warning. A testament to how easily justice can be subverted when institutions collude to protect themselves.
Ronda’s discoveries forced me to write the COT story—not out of anger, but out of duty.

Because remaining silent would make me complicit in concealing the truth and allowing myself to be intimidated, I refuse to stay silent. Sign the revised arbitration agreement, or we will decline to arbitrate your case. This kind of intimidation leading up to arbitration must never happen again.

The Betrayal Beneath the Wires

In the shadows of Australia’s telecom empire, a sinister alliance was forged. Telstra, once government-owned, buried the truth behind the COT Cases—refusing to release critical FOI documents, silencing victims, and shielding corruption.

Then came the scandal: Ericsson, under global scrutiny, quietly bought out Lane—the very consultant tasked with investigating its faulty equipment.
While other nations purged Ericsson from their networks, Telstra welcomed them in. Government bureaucrats turned a blind eye. Appeals were blocked. Evidence ignored.

This wasn’t incompetence. It was treachery. And the cost? Justice denied. Voices erased. Corruption thriving.
This is not just a story. It’s a warning.

🧨 Ericsson’s Global Bribery Scandal — A Telstra Partner Admits to Years of Corruption
 
As stated above, on 19 December 2019, Australian media reported that Ericsson of Sweden, a major partner in Telstra’s 5G rollout, had admitted to a years-long bribery and corruption campaign across five countries. The US Department of Justice investigation culminated in Ericsson agreeing to pay over $1.4 billion in penalties—one of the largest settlements ever under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA).

The acquisition of Lane by Ericsson, along with the dealings surrounding the COT Cases, was nothing short of a calculated conspiracy against Australia’s democratic system of justice. This insidious operation has gone largely unacknowledged, revealing a disturbing truth.

The corruption exposed by absentjustice.com is not merely partisan; it reflects a deep-seated, systemic rot that permeates the USA and extends globally. Thomas Jefferson himself would have recognised this treachery. Mighty corporations, like Ericsson, have become predators, systematically devouring the world's integrity. 

Ericsson’s ruthless infiltration of Australia's arbitration system is undeniable and raises alarming questions. Why has this company evaded accountability for its questionable actions during the COT arbitrations? This situation is not just a political issue; it demands urgent action that cuts through the fog of party lines and unearths the treacherous conduct at play.

 

Corruption is contagious and does not respect sectoral boundaries. 

 

Absent Justice - Prior to Arbitration

During my arbitration, Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd was officially appointed as the technical consultant to the arbitrator. Lane had access to sensitive materials, including evidence implicating Ericsson-manufactured telephone exchange equipment—the very hardware that plagued my business and those of other COT claimants.

Yet, in a move that reeks of collusion, Ericsson quietly acquired Lane while confidentiality agreements still bound them. This acquisition occurred during the arbitration period, effectively transferring privileged evidence into the hands of the very company under scrutiny.
(See File 296-A - )

From March 9, 1995, when Lane was appointed, until Pinnock’s eventual disclosure, the integrity of the arbitration process was compromised. Ericsson’s control of Lane meant that the very entity evaluating our claims was beholden to the supplier of the faulty equipment.

What of those cases, like mine, that concluded in May 1995? At that critical juncture, Arbitration Project Manager John Rundell revealed the truth to the arbitrator, the administrator, and legal counsel: the newly appointed Canadian assessment company was a ruse. Lane would conduct all evaluations related to Ericsson, and the results would be deceptively funnelled into letters bearing the name of DMR Group Pty Ltd—misleading claimants into believing a neutral Canadian expert had reviewed their evidence.

This orchestrated scheme exemplified deep-rooted corruption, betrayal, and manipulation of the arbitration system itself

Even now, in 2025, John Rundell continues to operate arbitration centres in Melbourne and Hong Kong, despite his damning admission in his 18 April 1995 letter:

“Any technical report prepared in draft by Lanes will be signed off and appear on the letter of DMR Inc.” (see Prologue Evidence File No 22-A)

None of the COT Cases were granted leave to appeal their arbitration awards—even though it is now clear that the purchase of Lane by Ericsson must have been in motion months before the arbitrations concluded. 

To this day, I have never received the critical reports on Ericsson’s exchange equipment—painstakingly compiled by my trusted technical consultant, George Close. These documents were the backbone of my case. Their disappearance is a blatant violation of the arbitration rules, which require all submitted materials to be returned to the claimant within six weeks of the arbitrator’s award.

When my lawyers uncovered disturbing ambiguities in the arbitration agreement—covertly altered after government and COT lawyers had approved the original version—I requested foundational documents from Pinnock (Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman) to understand how this skulduggery had been allowed. His response?

“I do not propose to provide you with copies of any documents held by this office.”  John Pinnock, 10 January 1996 () 

That marked the beginning of my descent into a dark labyrinth of deceit.

The agreement itself had been secretly altered before I signed it—weaponised to protect Telstra and the arbitration consultants. It shielded Rundell and Lane from accountability, as Chapter 5 Fraudulent Conduct so clearly shows. 

 
Fast Forward to Peta Credlin 
 
On 23 May 2021, Peta Credlin, a former chief of staff to Australia’s 28th Prime Minister, Tony Abbott and now a high-profile Australian media guru and TV host, wrote a fascinating article in the Herald Sun newspaper under the heading: 

"Beware The Pen Pusher Power - Bureaucrats need to take orders and not take charge”, which noted:“Now that the Prime Minister is considering a wider public service reshuffle in the wake of the foreign affairs department's head, Finances Adamson, becoming the next governor of South Australia, it's time to scrutinise the faceless bureaucrats who are often more powerful in practice than the elected politicians."

"Outside of the Canberra bubble, almost no one knows their names. But take it from me, these people matter."

"When ministers turn over with bewildering rapidity, or are not ‘take charge’ types, department secretaries, and the deputy secretaries below them, can easily become the de facto government of our country."  

"Since the start of the 2013, across Labor and now Liberal governments, we’ve had five prime ministers, five treasurers, five attorneys-general, seven defence ministers, six education ministers, four health ministers and six trade Ministers.”

This article was quite alarming. It was disturbing because Peta Credlin, someone with deep knowledge of Parliament House in Canberra, has accurately addressed the issue at hand. I not only relate to the information she presents, but I can also connect it to the many bureaucrats and politicians I have encountered since exposing what I did about the China wheat deal back in 1967, and the corrupted arbitration processes of 1994 to 1998. These government stuff-ups and cover-ups have cost lives. 

Robodebt – The Algorithmic Betrayal → https://shorturl.at/kODwY
In the 2020s, the Robodebt scheme weaponised flawed algorithms to pursue debts that did not exist. Automated notices were sent to thousands of Australians, demanding repayment. Families were shattered, lives were lost to suicide, and countless citizens endured mental breakdowns.
 
Warnings were ignored. Bureaucrats pressed ahead, defending the system at all costs. The cold logic of “protecting the institution” triumphed over compassion, just as it had during the wheat trade and COT arbitrations.
 
πŸ”— The Pattern of Betrayal
Across these scandals, the pattern is unmistakable:
•  Suppression of evidence: Telstra arbitration documents, Horizon software bugs, Robodebt warnings.
•  Institutional survival over human lives: Wheat trade profits, Telstra’s inflated value, Robodebt’s defence. Letters from KPMG.
•  Government complicity: Both the British and Australian governments had vested interests in protecting corporations, even at the expense of ordinary citizens.
International echoes reinforce the pattern:
•  The British Post Office Horizon scandal, where Fujitsu’s faulty software destroyed lives.
•  Ericsson AXE billing failures at Telstra, leading to systemic overcharging.
•  Allegations before the U.S. Securities Exchange that Telstra’s value was inflated during its sale → Chapter 6 - US Securities Exchange - pink herring.
These are not isolated events. They are chapters in a global story of bureaucratic betrayal.
 
βš–οΈ From Betrayal to Accountability
The wheat trade betrayed soldiers. The COT arbitrations betrayed customers. Robodebt betrayed citizens. Each scandal reveals the same truth: bureaucrats will sacrifice lives to protect their own survival.
The moral imperative is clear:
•  Expose the betrayal.
•  Demand accountability.
•  Break the cycle of bureaucratic deceit.
 
 
.Hover your mouse over the following images as you scroll down the homepage.

The Deal 

 

Absent Justice - 12 Remedies Persued - 8

 

During the treacherous deal between Senators Barnaby Joyce and Helen Coonan within the corrupt Liberal Coalition Government, I, along with 13 other COT Cases, uncovered deep-seated corruption at the Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman's (TIO) office in July 2005. This exposure occurred during the desperate negotiations to secure Senator Joyce's critical vote to pass the controversial Telstra sale legislation.

As the evidence was presented, Senator Joyce was visibly shaken, burying his head in his hands in a moment of stark realisation. The weight of our testimonies unmasked a system riddled with deceit. Two chilling pieces of evidence that likely compelled Senator Joyce to strike a deal with Senator Coonan, the Minister for Communications, was an internal Telstra email (TIO Evidence File No 3-A dated 10 November 1993 from Chris Vonwiller to Telstra’s corporate secretary Jim Holmes, CEO Frank Blount, group general manager of commercial Ian Campbell and other important members of the then-government owned corporation. The subject is Warwick Smith – COT cases, and it is marked CONFIDENTIAL. It reveals Warwick Smith was disclosing confidential COT Case government parliamentary party-room privilege information to Telstra, which could well have been the document that changed the whole outcome of the Telstra COT arbitrations. 
 
The second alarming email, Ronda, my secretary, provided to me in July 2005 to give to Senator Barnaby Joyce, showed that Deputy TIO Grant Campbell, on February 5, 1997, (FOI folio number 000973 was charging $300.00 per day for his information services, which was a lot of money back in 1997.  Further emails attached to Part 2 Chapter 1- Prior to Arbitration reveal that Grant Campbell was signing fraudulent letters on behalf of Warwick Smith (the TIO), misleading and deceiving Telstra and the arbitration process about my ongoing intercepted arbitration-related faxes. This deception permeated not only the Australian Federal Police investigation into my lost faxes but also the very foundation of the COT arbitration process.
 
 

This internal email from Greg Newbold to several Telstra executives failed to recognise that Telstra was a publicly owned corporation at the time the statement was made.

“Don, thank you for your swift and eloquent reply.  I disagree with raising the issue of the courts.  That carries an implied threat not only to COT cases but to all customers that they’ll end up as lawyer fodder.  Certainly that can be a message to give face to face with customers and to hold in reserve if the complaints remain vexacious .” GS File 75 Exhibit 1 to 88

A handwritten note signed by Rosanne Pittard, one of Telstra's highest-ranking executives, brazenly questioned her subordinate while processing my Freedom of Information (FOI) request: "Should we make Alan pay, even if we can't provide everything he wants?"
 
It’s chilling to see how the lives of the COT Cases have been ruthlessly devastated, while their fellow citizens coldly suggested further suffering. They sought to exploit us for every last dime, all because we dared to demand a telephone service that could compete on a level playing field. This treachery reveals a dark underbelly of greed and betrayal, where profit trumps basic human decency.
 
Documents available on absentjustice.com reveal a dark web of internal correspondence within Telstra, in which management explicitly stated that promoting their service was misleading and deceptive, even though these billing issues were deeply rooted in systemic corruption on a national scale. I provided this damning written proof to the government after two Telstra executives carelessly left behind an unlocked briefcase at my Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp premises on June 3, 1993.
 
It is bad enough to know that Freehill Hollingdale & Page witnessed some of these arbitration statements while fully aware of my factual evidence, but the corruption runs far deeper. One of the submitted witness statements did not even include the signature of the individual who supposedly made it. Only the signature of Wayne Maurice Condon of Freehill's appeared on the witness statement when it was submitted for arbitration—an obvious and sinister attempt to obscure the truth.
 
πŸ“… Questions That Demand Answers
On 21 March 1997, twenty-two months after the conclusion of my arbitration, John Pinnock (the second appointed Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman) sensed the depth of the treachery and reached out to Telstra’s Ted Benjamin (see File 596 → AS-CAV Exhibits 589 to 647) with two probing questions:
 
1.  Any explanation for the apparent discrepancy in the attestation of the witness statement of Ian Joblin ?
2.  Were there any changes made to the Joblin statement originally sent to Dr Hughes  compared to the signed statement?

🧾 The Witness Statement That Shouldn’t Exist

The original witness statement bore only the signature of Telstra’s lawyer, Maurice Wayne Condon. It was submitted without the psychologist Ian Joblin’s signature—a glaring omission that should have halted its acceptance. Yet, just eight days later, a second version emerged, now featuring Joblin’s signature, retroactively dated to match Condon’s original signing date.

This raises a disturbing question: if Ian Joblin did not sign the document on that day, how did his signature appear on a version processed through arbitration channels as if he ha

Now it is 2026, and I remain without a response from Telstra or John Pinnock. This pervasive silence only underscores the sheer treachery and corruption that define this entire ordeal.

The collusion does not end there. In 1999, Frank Blount, who served as Telstra's CEO from two years before my government-endorsed arbitration until three years after its completion on May 11, 1995, co-wrote a book titled *Managing in Australia*, where he laid bare the extent of these horrific systemic billing problems. Ironically, the book remains available for purchase, even as the reality of this corruption festers. Absentjustice.com → CAV Exhibit 92 to 127) Exhibit 122-i - 

This collaboratively written book by Frank Blount of Telstra explores crucial issues arising from the investigation by the U.S. Securities Exchange into the authenticity of Telstra’s sale prospectuses. As these documents came under scrutiny, questions emerged about whether they truly reflected Telstra’s true value. This scrutiny was fueled by the shocking discoveries from the COT Cases, which uncovered the troubling history of Australia’s largest companies during a time rife with corruption. Particularly alarming were revelations that millions of dollars were being siphoned from Telstra each year while the company was under government control. The act of blowing the whistle and sharing these critical truths on absentjustice.com has not come without significant personal and financial repercussions for everyone involved in the COT Cases, affecting many beyond just me.

 

Threats that became a reality 

 

Absent Justice - My Story - Senator Ron Boswell

 

On page 180, ERC&A, from the official Australian Senate Hansard, dated 29 November 1994, reports Senator Ron Boswell asking Telstra’s legal directorate:

“Why did Telecom advise the Commonwealth Ombudsman that Telecom withheld FOI documents from Alan Smith because Alan Smith provided Telecom FOI documents to the Australian Federal Police during their investigation?”

After receiving a hollow response from Telstra, which the senator, the AFP and I all knew was utterly false, the senator states:

“…Why would Telecom withhold vital documents from the AFP? Also, why would Telecom penalise COT members for providing documents to the AFP which substantiate that Telecom had conducted unauthorised interceptions of COT members’ communications and subsequently dealt in the intercepted information by providing that information to Telecom’s external legal advisers and others?” (See Senate Evidence File No 31)


What is so appalling about this withholding of relevant documents is this: no one in the Telecommunication Industry Ombudsman (TIO) office or the government has ever investigated the disastrous impact of this withholding on my overall submission to the arbitrator. The arbitrator and the government (at the time, Telstra was a government-owned entity) should have initiated an investigation into why an Australian citizen who had assisted the AFP in its investigations into unlawful interception of telephone conversations was so severely disadvantaged in a civil arbitration.

In a particularly treacherous move, AUSTEL tampered with its official findings in the AUSTEL COT Cases Report. They deceitfully stated that there were only 50 or so COT Cases with ongoing problems, feeding this false information to the COT arbitrator and the media in April 1994. This was done despite AUSTEL's prior correspondence with Telstra, which acknowledged the government's drastic reduction of an alarming 120,000 COT-type faults to a mere 50 or more (see Chapter 1 - Can We Fix The CAN(See Open Letter File No/11).

Such a significant distortion of facts should have been exposed in the prospectus, yet it remained buried.

What would have happened if the US Securities Exchange had been privy to this hidden scandal regarding the COT Cases in 1997? It’s chilling to think about. At the very least, the arbitrator overseeing my cases would have been forced to revisit the awards he rendered, based on a web of deceit spun from false government information. The treachery runs deep, and the stakes are incredibly high.

The Government assured the COT Cases that Freehill Hollingdale & Page would not have any further involvement in their cases. However, Freehill was not only selected by the Government to act as Telstra's arbitration defence counsel, but they were also chosen to draft the Telstra sale legislation, as discussed throughout absentjustice.com.

The Freehill Holingdale & Page Contradiction
As shown in government records, the Commonwealth assured the COT Cases that Freehill Holingdale & Page would have no further involvement in our matters (see point 40, (see point 40 Prologue Evidence File No/2). Yet this same legal firm later provided the arbitrator with a witness statement purportedly from Ian Joblin, a clinical psychologist. That statement bore only the signature of Maurice Wayne Condon of Freehill Holingdale & Page. It carried no signature from Joblin himself.
 
This raises a disturbing question: Did Maurice Wayne Condon remove or alter Joblin’s original words, particularly his reference to me being of sound mind? The absence of Joblin’s signature leaves the integrity of the document in doubt.
 

Criminal Conduct Example 

COT Case Strategy - Freehill Hollingdale & Page's legal strategy. 

Absent Justice - The Firm

As shown on page 5169 in Australia's Government SENATE official Hansard – Parliament of Australia Telstra's lawyers Freehill Hollingdale & Page devised a legal paper titled “COT Case Strategy” (see Prologue Evidence File 1-A to 1-C) instructing their client Telstra (naming me and three other businesses) on how Telstra could conceal technical information from us under the guise of Legal Professional Privilege even though the information was not privileged. 

This COT Case Strategy was to be used against me, my named business, and the three other COT case members, Ann Garms, Maureen Gillan and Graham Schorer, and their three named businesses. Simply put, we and our four businesses were targeted even before our arbitrations commenced. 

The government was aware of these illegal acts by Freehill Hollingdale & Page, now trading as  Herbert Smith Freehills Melbourne. They knew the firm’s conduct worried the claimants and the government, who had endorsed our arbitrations. And yet, despite this mistrust, the government allowed Freehill Holingdale & Page to prepare the Telstra sale prospectus — a document of national and international significance. 
 
International Implications
What has perhaps not been fully understood is the risk this posed. If the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission had been aware that the Australian government itself did not trust Freehill Holingdale & Page, yet still permitted them to draft the prospectus, the consequences could have been profound.
 
A Pattern of Betrayal
This episode is not an isolated detail. It is part of a larger pattern:
A legal firm accused of altering evidence.
A government that acknowledged mistrust but continued to rely on them.
An international audience that might have acted differently if the truth had been disclosed.
For those of us who lived through it, this contradiction is not just a matter of legal process. It is a story of betrayal, silence, and the erosion of trust — a story that must be told.
The link titled "The first remedy pursued" exposes four individuals who have spun a web of lies, deliberately obscuring the dark truths surrounding Telstra's deceitful machinations.
 
In the guise of legitimacy, Telstra employed fraudulent tactics to fend off scrutiny during my government-endorsed arbitration. Shockingly, the Australian Communications Authority (AUSTEL), now masquerading as ACMA, had already validated my claims against Telstra a staggering six weeks before I signed the arbitration agreement on April 21, 1994. Yet, despite their earlier findings confirming my allegations by March 3, 1994, AUSTEL/ACMA allowed me to enter a gruelling 13-month arbitration process. Throughout this nightmarish ordeal, I poured over $300,000 into a futile battle, desperately trying to prove what the government had already established against Telstra, as the following points 2 to 212  show.
 

Before you immerse yourself in the unsettling narrative to follow, it's imperative to grasp a chilling reality: when you search for "The Establishment" on Google, the answers you receive will differ wildly based on your geographic location and national context. However, the underlying truth remains dark and foreboding: for over three hundred years, the Establishment has manipulated the legal system of justice in the Western world, ensnaring it in a web of deceit and corruption. This manipulation occurs through a calculated practice: the government of the day appoints key legal figures—Attorneys General, judges, and magistrates—who are often nothing more than puppets in a sinister game, serving the interests of those who pull the strings from behind the scenes.

The reality is that the four individuals mentioned at the beginning of this story →  The first remedy pursued are alleged to be pivotal players in this treacherous Establishment in Australia. Whether this claim stands up under scrutiny is irrelevant; what is irrefutable is the grim fact that across three decades, every government in power in Australia from 1996 to 2026 has turned a blind eye to the lies and misconduct of these four individuals. This wilful ignorance has wreaked havoc, destroying countless lives and ensuring that the callous dominion of the Establishment remains unchallenged.

As you read on, I urge you to recognize the profound and insidious nature of the power wielded by these individuals. Their influence is a nefarious power over the truth itself, shrouded in shadows and deceit. It begs an ever‑pressing question: who truly holds the reins of responsibility for the integrity of the legal system in Australia? Reflect on this as you navigate the dark undercurrents of the story that lies ahead.

Absent Justice - Missing Complaints

 
This single document was all the claimants needed to prove to the arbitrator that our telephone problems persisted. Had the arbitrator seen the AXE logbook, he would have been compelled to leave our claims open until Telstra proved beyond a doubt that no further faults existed in their Ericsson AXE exchanges.
 
In my case, even the Australian Commonwealth Ombudsman sought the AXE logbook from Telstra's CEO. The Ombudsman’s office never received a response. If the Commonwealth Ombudsman — the head of a fully funded government agency — could not access the most relevant document in the entire arbitration process, what hope did I or any of the other COT Cases have of proving our claims?
 
John Pinnock failed to advise the Senate committee that, because Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd had not diagnosed the causes of my Ericsson AXE problems, those faults persisted throughout the COT arbitrations.
 
The formal DMR Group Inc (Canada) and Lane Telecommunications (Australia) Report, dated 30 April 1995 and provided to the arbitrator, Telstra, and me for comment, states at point 2.23:
 
“... As the level of disruption to overall CBHC service is not clear, and fault causes have not been diagnosed, a reasonable expectation is that these faults would remain ‘open’.”
 
It is blatantly obvious from my story that none of the Ericsson AXE exchange billing‑fault causes were diagnosed — not by the arbitrator, not by Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd, and not by DMR Group Inc Canada, which was specifically flown out to investigate these ongoing faults.
 
 
Absent Justice - Prior to Arbitration
 
 
When AUSTEL, the then‑Australian communications regulator, learned that my billing‑claim documents had not been investigated during arbitration, it allowed Telstra to address them in secret, without the arbitrator or me being present. This clandestine operation took place on 16 October 1995 — five months after the conclusion of my arbitration. My legal right under the Arbitration Act 1984, which entitled me to challenge Telstra on these Ericsson AXE billing faults, was denied.
 
Point 5.67 of the pre‑arbitration April 1994 COT Case AUSTEL report states:
 
“the arbitrator will make his determination on reasonable grounds as to the link between the claim and alleged faults drawing reasonable inferences from the material presented by the claimant and Telecom the arbitrator will set out his reasons in full”
 
The arbitrator’s decision was delivered in an unsettlingly opaque manner, shrouded in deceit. Astonishingly, he allowed Telstra to engage in secret discussions with the government communications regulator, AUSTEL, on October 16, 1995—five long months after he proclaimed my arbitration concluded on May 11, 1995. This shocking oversight not only compromised the integrity of the arbitration process but also thrust me back into the dark, oppressive circumstances of 1987, when I first opened my business, plagued by a very unreliable phone service.
 
Despite my repeated pleas for justice, the Australian government continues to deny me the right to investigate the unresolved Ericsson AXE faults, which clearly fall under the terms of the original arbitration agreement. These faults were ignored throughout the government-sanctioned proceedings, leaving me without a resolution or recourse. This situation was a sinister web of collusion in which the forces of bureaucracy conspired to leave me disenfranchised and powerless.
 
This was gaslighting used against us to destroy our will to keep going, as reported by Ann Garms  in her following letters
 

Gaslighting

Gaslighting - Absent Justice

Psychological manipulation 

Gaslighting is a form of psychological manipulation in which the abuser attempts to sow self-doubt and confusion in the victim's mind, i.e., you do not have a telephone problem. Our records show you are the only customer complaining, even though the documents indicate the situation they are complaining about is systemic. Typically, gaslighting methods are used to seek power and control over the other person by distorting reality and forcing them to question their judgment and intuition.

It is essential to inform the reader that Wayne Goss, mentioned in Ann Garms' letter attached as document (See File Ann Garms 104 Document) dated 17 August 2017, was the former Premier of Queensland. Therefore, when he advised Ann that gaslighting techniques were used against us, the COT cases, he was well-positioned within the establishment to make such a significant statement.

On June 1, 2021, Mathias Cormann officially became the Secretary-General of the OECD in Paris, France. Like Australia's former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, he has extensive knowledge of the legitimacy of the COT Cases' claims. 
 
 
French Flag - Absent Justice

 

Don't forget to hover your mouse/cursor over the kangaroo image to the right of this page → → → → →

 

Kangaroo Court - Absent Justice It is crucial to emphasise the significance of the four letters dated 17 August 2017, 6 October 2017, 9 October 2017, and 10 October 2017, authored by COT Case Ann Garms shortly before her passing. These letters were addressed to The Hon. Malcolm Turnbull MP, Prime Minister of Australia, and Senator the Hon. Mathias Cormann (See File Ann Garms 104 Document). These letters state that Gaslighting methods were used against the COT Cases to destroy our legitimate claims against Telstra. (rb.gy/dsvidd).   

 
New chapters coming to absentjustice.com and absentjustice.com.au in 2026

Chapter 1: Murder of Truth

The truth didn’t die in a courtroom. It wasn’t buried beneath a judge’s gavel or lost in the shuffle of legal paperwork. It was murdered—methodically, quietly, and with institutional precision. The COT Case arbitrations were supposed to deliver justice. Instead, they became the crime scene.

I entered the process believing in the rule of law. I had evidence—technical faults, intercepted communications, and a trail of misconduct that pointed directly to Telstra’s door. But from the moment the arbitration began, the signs were clear: this wasn’t a search for truth. It was a containment strategy.

Documents vanished. Deadlines shifted. The arbitrator, cloaked in the authority of accreditation, manipulated the process with a chilling detachment. He wasn’t just indifferent—he was complicit. His lies to officials about his role as Principal Arbitration Manager weren’t errors. They were tactical deceptions designed to protect Telstra and silence claimants.

What I witnessed was not a failure of procedure—it was a deliberate murder of truth. The arbitrator’s actions, the withholding of evidence, the refusal to investigate surveillance claims—all of it formed a pattern. A conspiracy. A cover-up.

And yet, the truth has a stubborn pulse. It survives in the margins—in the handwritten notes, the corrupted fax logs, the testimonies of fellow claimants who refused to be broken. It lives in the archived pages of absentjustice.com, in the open letters that name names, and in the quiet rage of those who know what was done to us.

This chapter marks the beginning of a reckoning. Not just with Telstra, or the arbitrator, but with the entire machinery that allowed this to happen. The truth may have been murdered—but its ghost is restless. And I intend to give it voice.

Chapter 2: Surveillance State

They told us arbitration would be confidential. That our evidence, our testimony, our pain—would be handled with integrity. But behind the polished facade of legal process, a darker reality pulsed: we were being watched.

Telstra’s surveillance capabilities weren’t theoretical. They were industrial-grade, embedded in the very infrastructure we relied on to communicate. Their Security Operations Centres, operating 24/7, were equipped with Security Information and Event Management (SIEM) and Threat Intelligence Integration tools designed to detect and catalogue anomalies. But what happens when the anomaly is a whistleblower? When the threat is not external, but internal—someone like me, exposing truths the system would rather forget?

I had spoken with the Prime Minister twice—once in April 1993, again in April 1994. I raised concerns about Australia’s wheat exports to China, and how that grain was being funnelled to North Vietnam, feeding the very forces that had killed and maimed our soldiers. These weren’t idle conversations. They were politically explosive. And I have every reason to believe they were intercepted.

Telstra’s Infrastructure Monitoring systems, designed to manage critical assets like oil refineries, traffic networks, and water plants, also offered remote access, event logging, and alarm management across its vast network. These tools, while marketed for operational efficiency, could easily be repurposed for surveillance—especially when the target was a claimant challenging Telstra’s integrity.

The question isn’t whether Telstra could monitor us. It’s who inside Telstra had the government clearance to filter and interpret that data. Who decided what was evidence, and what was discarded? Who catalogued our conversations, our faxes, our pleas for justice—not to protect us, but to protect the corporation?

This wasn’t just surveillance. It was strategic intelligence gathering, designed to anticipate our moves, undermine our credibility, and control the narrative. The arbitrator, already compromised by deceit, operated in tandem with a system that saw truth as a liability.

And yet, the surveillance failed in one critical respect: it didn’t silence us. It didn’t erase the documents, the corrupted fax logs, the technical reports that proved Telstra’s faults. It didn’t stop the creation of absentjustice.com, or the open letters that now circulate beyond their reach.

We were watched. We were catalogued. But we were not erased.

Chapter 3: Corruption by Design

Corruption isn’t always loud. Sometimes it’s engineered into the very structure of a process—quiet, procedural, and devastating. The COT arbitrations weren’t sabotaged by accident. They were corrupted by design.

From the outset, Telstra’s internal faults were known. Technical reports confirmed line failures, fax corruption, and call dropouts. Yet the arbitration rules were crafted to exclude critical evidence. The arbitrator, handpicked and protected, operated within a framework that rewarded omission and punished transparency.

Government departments, legal advisors, and Telstra executives formed a closed loop of influence. The corruption wasn’t just in the outcome—it was in the architecture. And every claimant who entered the process was walking into a trap.

Chapter 4: Cover-Up Culture

The cover-up began before the arbitration even started. Telstra withheld documents, misrepresented fault data, and manipulated technical logs. When I requested full disclosure, I was met with redactions, delays, and denials.

The arbitrator refused to investigate known faults. The administrator ignored evidence. And when I exposed the corrupted fax logs and surveillance concerns, the response was silence.

This wasn’t incompetence. It was culture. A culture of concealment, where truth was inconvenient and accountability was optional. The cover-up extended beyond Telstra—into government departments, legal chambers, and media silence.

Chapter 5: Whistleblower’s Burden

I didn’t choose this path. I was a cook, a community builder, a man who believed in fairness. But when I saw the injustice inflicted on fellow claimants—when I experienced it myself—I knew I couldn’t stay silent.

Becoming a whistleblower meant isolation. It meant being labelled, discredited, and dismissed. It meant watching friends suffer, watching evidence vanish, and watching institutions protect themselves at all costs.

But it also meant clarity. I knew what I stood for. I knew the truth mattered. And I knew that silence was complicity. The burden was heavy—but it was mine to carry.

Chapter 6: Conspiracy of Silence

The silence wasn’t passive. It was strategic. Telstra executives, government officials, and arbitration insiders knew what was happening. They knew the faults were real. They knew the evidence was damning. And they chose silence.

This conspiracy wasn’t written in memos—it was enacted through omission. Through the refusal to investigate. Through the quiet reassignment of officials. Through the shielding of the arbitrator from scrutiny.

The silence was deafening. And it spoke volumes about the priorities of those in power.

Chapter 7: Fraudulent Arbitration

The arbitration process was a fraud. The arbitrator misled claimants, misrepresented his role, and manipulated outcomes. He claimed impartiality while protecting Telstra’s interests. He denied access to evidence while accepting Telstra’s submissions without scrutiny.

The administrator, too, played a role—refusing to investigate, ignoring surveillance claims, and allowing the process to proceed without transparency.

This wasn’t arbitration. It was a performance. And the outcome was predetermined.

Chapter 8: Justice Denied

We were told that arbitration would deliver justice and that our claims would be heard. That the faults would be addressed. But justice was never the goal.

The arbitrator refused to investigate known faults. The administrator ignored surveillance concerns. The government departments turned away.

Justice wasn’t delayed. It was denied. And every claimant who entered the process was betrayed.

Chapter 9: Retaliation Protocols

Speaking out came at a cost. I was targeted—legally, emotionally, and professionally. My credibility was attacked. My evidence was dismissed. My reputation was undermined.

Other claimants faced similar retaliation. Some were threatened. Others were isolated. The message was clear: stay silent, or pay the price.

The retaliation wasn’t random. It was systematic. And it revealed the lengths to which institutions would go to protect themselves.

Chapter 10: Bribery and Influence

Behind the scenes, influence flowed freely. Telstra’s legal teams had access. Government departments shielded the arbitrator. Media outlets stayed quiet.

Bribery doesn’t always involve cash. Sometimes it’s access. Sometimes it’s protection. Sometimes it’s silence.

The arbitrator’s conduct, the administrator’s omissions, the government’s complicity—all point to a system where influence mattered more than truth.

Chapter 11: Deception as Strategy

Deception wasn’t a side effect—it was the strategy. From the arbitrator’s false assurances to Telstra’s manipulated fault logs, every step of the process was designed to mislead. Claimants were given partial truths, technical jargon, and procedural fog. The goal wasn’t resolution—it was exhaustion. And for many, it worked.

But deception has fingerprints. It leaves trails in redacted documents, in contradictory statements, in the quiet edits made to arbitration rules mid-process. I followed those trails. And they led to the heart of a system built to protect power, not people.

Chapter 12: Evidence Erased

I submitted everything—fax logs, technical reports, correspondence. But evidence has a way of disappearing when it threatens the narrative. Pages went missing. Files were corrupted. Critical documents were “lost in transit.”

The arbitrator refused to investigate. The administrator dismissed concerns. And Telstra, with its vast infrastructure, controlled the flow of information. What couldn’t be disproven was erased.

But I kept copies. I built absentjustice.com as a living archive. Because truth, once documented, becomes harder to kill.

Chapter 13: Interrogation by Bureaucracy

They didn’t need handcuffs. Bureaucracy did the job. Endless forms, shifting deadlines, contradictory instructions—each one designed to confuse, delay, and demoralise.

I was interrogated not with questions, but with silence. With refusal. With the slow grind of administrative indifference. Every request for transparency became a test of endurance.

And yet, I endured. Because behind every form was a story. Behind every delay was a truth they didn’t want told.

Chapter 14: Underworld of Arbitration

Arbitration is supposed to be neutral. But what I found was an underworld—a network of influence, secrecy, and offshore operations. The arbitrator’s ties to Hong Kong raised alarms. His conduct in Melbourne confirmed them.

This wasn’t just about Telstra. It was about a global system where arbitration could be weaponized—used to silence dissent, protect corporations, and bury accountability.

I wasn’t just fighting a flawed process. I was confronting an international machine.

Chapter 15: Forensics of a Cover-Up

The technical faults weren’t speculative. They were documented—through forensic analysis, corrupted logs, and expert testimony. Telstra’s systems failed. And they knew it.

But instead of addressing the faults, they buried them. The arbitrator refused to examine the forensic evidence. The administrator ignored it. And the government looked away.

I became the forensic archivist. I catalogued every failure, every contradiction, every lie. Because the cover-up had a digital footprint—and I was determined to follow it.

Chapter 16: Abduction of Accountability

Accountability was kidnapped—taken from the hands of claimants and locked behind legal walls. The arbitrator, shielded by accreditation, operated without oversight. Telstra, backed by government silence, evaded consequence.

Every time I demanded answers, I was met with deflection. Every time I exposed misconduct, I was told it was “outside the scope.” Accountability wasn’t denied—it was abducted.

But I refused to let it vanish. I named names. I published documents. I made sure the story couldn’t be buried.

Chapter 17: Truth in Exile

Leaving Cape Bridgewater was more than a relocation. It was exile—from a place that held decades of struggle, camaraderie, and resistance. The move to Ballarat marked a new chapter—but the truth came with me.

I carried the documents, the memories, the scars. I rebuilt my archive. I reconnected with allies. And I recommitted to the fight.

Truth may have been exiled—but it was never abandoned.

Chapter 18: Homicide by Policy

The wheat trade wasn’t just commerce—it was complicity. Australia’s exports to China, redirected to North Vietnam, fed a war that killed our own. Soldiers from Australia, New Zealand, and the USA died because of decisions made in boardrooms and ministries.

I raised this with the Prime Minister. Twice. And I’ve never stopped speaking about it. Because policy can kill. And silence can be lethal.

This chapter isn’t just historical. It’s personal. It’s a reckoning with the cost of betrayal.

Chapter 19: Investigation Interrupted

Every time an inquiry began, it was stalled. Every time a report was drafted, it was softened. The investigation into Telstra’s faults, the arbitration misconduct, and the surveillance claims—all were interrupted.

Officials were reassigned. Documents were reclassified. And the momentum was lost.

But I kept going. I built my own investigation. I published my own findings because the truth doesn’t need permission to be told.

Chapter 20: Legacy of Lies

The lies didn’t end with arbitration. They seeped into public records, media narratives, and historical memory. Telstra’s reputation remained intact. The arbitrator continued his work. And the claimants were left in silence.

But I refused to let the legacy be rewritten. I documented everything. I named every lie. And I built a platform where truth could live.

This legacy isn’t theirs to define. It’s ours to reclaim.

Chapter 21: The Reckoning Begins

The chapters before this were the build-up. This is the turning point. The reckoning begins—not just for Telstra, or the arbitrator, but for every institution that enabled the betrayal.

I’ve published the documents. I’ve made the calls. I’ve written the letters. And now, I’m demanding answers.

This isn’t just a personal fight. It’s a public one. And it’s time the silence was broken.

Chapter 22: The Whistleblower’s Legacy

I didn’t ask for this role. But I’ve embraced it. As a cook, I fed crews in storms. As a claimant, I stood against giants. As a whistleblower, I’ve built a legacy of truth.

This chapter isn’t an ending. It’s a beginning—for future advocates, for historians, for citizens who refuse to be silenced.The whistleblower’s legacy is resilience. It’s documentation. It’s true. And it’s yours to carry forward.

The summary of the 22 chapters mentioned above has been briefly edited below:

πŸ”₯ A Turning Point in My Fight for Justice
Let me tell you something that still chills me to the bone.

Before she passed away, Ann Garms—one of the original COT Cases—wrote a desperate letter to Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull → (See File Ann Garms 104 Document).  In that letter, she revealed something that had haunted her: Queensland’s former Premier Wayne Goss told her that we, the COT Cases, were subjected to gaslighting techniques. That’s right. A senior figure in Australian politics confirmed what we had long suspected. We weren’t just ignored—we were manipulated, destabilised, and psychologically undermined.

Wayne Goss wasn’t just any politician. He was deeply embedded in the system. If he said gaslighting was used against us, then he knew. He knew what was done to us. And he said it out loud.

βš–οΈ My Case: The Silence That Screams
Take my situation. I was one of the COT Cases. My arbitration was supposed to be conducted under the auspices of the Supreme Court of Victoria. That meant it should have been protected, transparent, and accountable.
But when Telstra carried out threats against me—real threats—Dr Gordon Hughes, the arbitrator, refused to contact the Supreme Court. He didn’t report the threats. He didn’t acknowledge them in his findings. He didn’t even try to protect the integrity of the process.

  • Why?
  • Why would an arbitrator ignore threats made during a court-sanctioned process?
  • Why would he leave out the most sinister part of my experience

The silence is deafening. The corruption is undeniable.

πŸ“œ What Ann Garms Knew—and What She Tried to Warn
Ann’s letter wasn’t just a plea. It was a warning. She knew what had been done to us. She knew we were being gaslit, surveilled, and sabotaged. And she tried to tell the Prime Minister before it was too late.
She died not long after sending that letter.
But I’m still here. And I’m still telling the story.

🧭 This Is the Moment Everything Changed
Wayne Goss’s confirmation. Dr Hughes’ silence. Telstra’s threats. Ann Garms’ final letter.

This is the moment I mark as a turning point in my chronology. It’s where the mask slipped, where the truth began to surface, where the betrayal became undeniable.
And I’ve documented it all. Every exhibit. Every omission. Every threat.

Because this isn’t just my story, it’s a national disgrace.

πŸ•³οΈ The Arbitrator’s Omission: Silence in the Face of Surveillance

Dr Hughes’s failure to disclose the faxing issues to the Australian Federal Police during my arbitration is deeply concerning. The AFP was actively investigating the interception of my faxes to the arbitrator’s office, as well as my failure to receive arbitration-related documents sent to my office via Australia Post—and vice versa: arbitration-related documents sent to the arbitrator that were never received.

Yet this crucial matter, central to my claim, was entirely omitted from Dr Hughes’s award. He made no mention of it in any of his findings. The loss of essential arbitration documents throughout the COT Cases is not a minor oversight—it is a damning indictment of the entire process. It reveals a deliberate suppression of evidence and a refusal to confront the sabotage that undermined the integrity of the arbitration itself.

πŸ”₯ The Briefcase, the Tapes, and the Machinery of Deceit
It is imperative to expose the disturbing truths buried within the AFP transcripts dated 10 February 1994—a document that lays bare the treacherous machinations of:
•  Superintendent Jeffrey Penrose
•  Detective Sergeant Cochrane
•  Graham Schorer, who masqueraded as a spokesperson for the COT Cases
•  Amanda Davis, a former government official
In a chilling display of negligence, they discussed a briefcase Telstra had abandoned at my business. This was no accident. The briefcase contained the names of numerous individuals—like Mr. Schorer and myself—each of us victims of a grotesque invasion of privacy. Our telephone conversations had been intercepted and monitored without consent, without warning, and without remorse.
 
πŸ“„ Pages 37–39: The Smoking Gun
The transcripts () reveal a sinister truth:
This was not speculation—it was a direct admission. And yet, when we sought access to these tapes, we were met with a wall of obstruction.
 
🧱 Arbitration: A Process Built to Fail
As the COT Cases entered arbitration, we pleaded for access to the incriminating tapes. But they were denied under the Freedom of Information Act, and similarly withheld during discovery. This was not a legal technicality—it was a deliberate act of concealment. The tapes, potentially devastating to Telstra, were buried to protect powerful interests at the expense of our dignity and rights.
 
πŸ•΅οΈ‍♂️ Government Complicity
Government officials chose to protect their own reputations rather than the welfare of their citizens. They concealed critical evidence of phone tapping, even as other disturbing allegations emerged—implicating Senator Collins in obscenely troubling conduct during the very period he was involved in the COT matters.
 
🧠 Gaslighting: The Goss Revelation
In her letter dated 17 August 2017 (), Ann Garms referenced Wayne Goss, former Premier of Queensland. His chilling assertion:
This was psychological warfare—designed to erode our legitimacy, fracture our resolve, and dismantle our sense of self.
 
🌍 Cormann, Turnbull, and the Global Stage
On 1 June 2021, Mathias Cormann became Secretary-General of the OECD in Paris.
Malcolm Turnbull, former Prime Minister of Australia, had full knowledge of the COT Cases and the evidence we presented.
Both received Ann Garms’ letters. Both remained silent.
Their complicity in this landscape of obfuscation and treachery cannot be ignored.
 
πŸ“ The Final Testimonies of Ann Garms
Ann Garms’ four letters—dated 17 August, 6 October, 9 October, and 10 October 2017—were sent to Turnbull and Cormann (). They were not mere correspondence. They were raw, desperate pleas written just before her tragic passing. Within those pages lies irrefutable evidence of a coordinated campaign to dismantle our legitimate claims through intimidation, distortion, and silence.
 
⚠️ A Legacy of Betrayal
This is not just a story of surveillance.
It is a story of betrayal.
Of institutional rot.
Of the unrelenting courage it takes to stand against it.
The obscenity of this orchestrated assault on justice speaks volumes about the depths to which those in power will sink to preserve their dominion and silence dissent.

 

Click on the twelve mini evidence files below, ranging from "Telstra-Corruption-Freehill-Hollingdale & Page" to "The Promised Documents Never Arrived, These files are being typo edited before being removed to provide more evidence to support our new stories coming to www.promoteyourstory.com.au
 
 
Telstra-Corruption-Freehill-Hollingdale & Page
Telstra-Corruption-Freehill-Hollingdale & Page

Corrupt practices persisted throughout the COT arbitrations, flourishing in secrecy and obscurity. These insidious actions have managed to evade necessary scrutiny. Notably, the phone issues persisted for years following the conclusion of my arbitration, established to rectify these faults

Confronting Despair
Confronting Despair

The independent arbitration consultants demonstrated a concerning lack of impartiality. Instead of providing clear and objective insights, their guidance to the arbitrator was often marked by evasive language, misleading statements, and, at times, outright falsehoods.

Flash Backs – China-Vietnam
Flash Backs – China-Vietnam

In 1967, Australia participated in the Vietnam War. I was on a ship transporting wheat to China, where I learned China was redeploying some of it to North Vietnam. Chapter 7, "Vietnam—Vietcong," discusses the link between China and my phone issues.

A Twenty-Year Marriage Lost
A Twenty-Year Marriage Lost

As bookings declined, my marriage came to an end. My ex-wife, seeking her fair share of our venture, left me with no choice but to take responsibility for leaving the Navy without adequately assessing the reliability of the phone service in my pursuit of starting a business.

Salvaging What I Could
Salvaging What I Could

Mobile coverage was nonexistent, and business transactions were not conducted online. Cape Bridgewater had only eight lines to service 66 families—132 adults. If four lines were used simultaneously, the remaining 128 adults would have only four lines to serve their needs.

Lies Deceit And Treachery
Lies Deceit And Treachery

I was unaware of Telstra's unethical and corrupt business practices. It has now become clear that various unethical organisational activities were conducted secretly. Middle management was embezzling millions of dollars from Telstra.

An Unlocked Briefcase
An Unlocked Briefcase
On June 3, 1993, Telstra representatives visited my business and, in an oversight, left behind an unlocked briefcase. Upon opening it, I discovered evidence of corrupt practices concealed from the government, playing a significant role in the decline of Telstra's telecommunications network.
A Government-backed Arbitration
A Government-backed Arbitration

An arbitration process was established to hide the underlying issues rather than to resolve them. The arbitrator, the administrator, and the arbitration consultants conducted the process using a modified confidentiality agreement. In the end, the process resembled a kangaroo court.

Not Fit For Purpose
Not Fit For Purpose

AUSTEL investigated the contents of the Telstra briefcases. Initially, there was disbelief regarding the findings, but this eventually led to a broader discussion that changed the telecommunications landscape. I received no acknowledgement from AUSTEL for not making my findings public.
&am

A Non-Graded Arbitrator
A Non-Graded Arbitrator

Who granted the financial and technical advisors linked to the arbitrator immunity from all liability regarding their roles in the arbitration process? This decision effectively shields the arbitration advisors from any potential lawsuits by the COT claimants concerning misconduct or negligence.<

The AFP Failed Their Objective
The AFP Failed Their Objective

In September 1994, two officers from the AFP met with me to address Telstra's unauthorised interception of my telecommunications services. They revealed that government documents confirmed I had been subjected to these violations. Despite this evidence, the AFP did not make a finding.&am

The Promised Documents Never Arrived
The Promised Documents Never Arrived

In a February 1994 transcript of a pre-arbitration meeting, the arbitrator involved in my arbitration stated that he "would not determination on incomplete information.". The arbitrator did make a finding on incomplete information.

 
 
 
Chapter 1
Chapter 1

Learn about government corruption and the dirty deeds used by the government to cover up these horrendous injustices committed against 16 Australian citizens

Chapter 2
Chapter 2
Betrayal deceit disinformation duplicity falsehood fraud hypocrisy lying mendacity treachery and trickery. This sums up the COT government endorsed arbitrations.
Chapter 3
Chapter 3
Ending bribery corruption means holding the powerful to account and closing down the systems that allows bribery, illicit financial flows, money laundering, and the enablers of corruption to thrive.
Chapter 4
Chapter 4

Learn about government corruption and the dirty deeds used by the government to cover up these horrendous injustices committed against 16 Australian citizens. Government corruption within the public service affected most if not all of the COT arbitrations. 

Chapter 5
Chapter 5
Corruption is contagious and does not respect sectoral boundaries. Corruption involves duplicity and reduces levels of morality and trust.
Chapter 6
Chapter 6
Anti-corruption policies need to be used in anti-corruption reforms and strategy. Corruption metrics and corruption risk assessment is good governance
Chapter 7
Chapter 7

Bribery and Corruption happens in the shadows, often with the help of professional enablers such as bankers, lawyers, accountants and real estate agents, opaque financial systems and anonymous shell companies that allow corruption schemes to flourish and the corrupt to launder their wealth.

Chapter 8
Chapter 8
Corrupt practices in government and the results of those corrupt practices become problematic enough – but when that corruption becomes systemic in more than one operation, it becomes cancer that endangers the welfare of the world's democracy.
Chapter 9
Chapter 9

Corruption in government, including non-government self-regulators, undermines the credibility of that government. It erodes the trust of its citizens who are left without guidance are the feel of purpose. Bribery and Corruption is cancer that destroys economic growth and prosperity. 

Chapter 10
Chapter 10

The horrendous, unaddressed crimes perpetrated against the COT Cases during government-endorsed arbitrations administered by the Telecommunication Industry Ombudsman have never been investigated. 

Chapter 11
Chapter 11

This type of skulduggery is treachery, a Judas kiss with dirty dealing and betrayal. This is dirty pool and crookedness and dishonest. This conduct fester’s corruption. It is as bad, if not worse than double-dealing and cheating those who trust you.&a

Chapter 12
Chapter 12
Absentjustice.com - the website that triggered the deeper exploration into the world of political corruption, it stands shoulder to shoulder with any true crime story.

 

Who We Are

Government Corruption

Absent Justice was created to publish the true account of what happened during the Australian Government-endorsed arbitrations with Telstra. We are a group of Australians who call ourselves the Casualties of Telstra (CoT)—ordinary small-business owners who were systematically denied justice.

This website stands as a living archive of the unlawful conduct we endured. It documents how, for years, Telstra refused to acknowledge the phone faults that crippled our businesses, repeatedly telling us “No fault found.” Yet, government records—AUSTEL’s Adverse Findings, at points 2 to 212—prove that those faults existed for the entire duration of our seven-year arbitration claim.

Learn about horrendous crimes, unscrupulous criminals, and corrupt politicians and lawyers who control the legal profession in Australia. Shameful, hideous, and treacherous are just a few words that describe these lawbreakers.

Learn More ⟢

Who We Are

 

 

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β€œβ€¦the very large number of persons that had been forced into an arbitration process and have been obliged to settle as a result of the sheer weight that Telstra has brought to bear on them as a consequence where they have faced financial ruin if they did not settle…”

Senator Carr

Government Corruption, Bribery and Extortion. 

Who else in the Australian government was aware that Australian wheat intended for a starving communist China was being redirected to North Vietnam to feed the North Vietnamese soldiers before those soldiers marched into the jungles of North Vietnam to kill and maim Australian, New Zealand, and United States of America troops? Refer to Footnote 82 to 85 FOOD AND TRADE IN LATE MAOIST CHINA,1960-1978, prepared by Tianxiao Zhu, who even reports the name of our ship, the Hopepeak and how the seaman feared for our lives if we were forced to return to China with another cargo of Australian wheat. Australian wheat was being redeployed to North Vietnam during the period when Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America fought the Viet Cong in the jungles of North Vietnam.   

During the 1960s, the Australian Liberal-Country Party Government engaged in misleading conduct regarding trade with Communist China despite being cognizant that Australian merchant seamen had vehemently refused to transport Australian wheat to China. The grounds for such an objection were their apprehension that the grain would be redirected to North Vietnam during the Vietnam War between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America. The underlying inquiry is to ascertain the government's rationale for deliberately deceiving the general public and jeopardising the country's troops whose lives were being lost in the conflict in North Vietnam.  Murdered for Mao: The killings China 'forgot'

 

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