Learn about horrendous crimes, unscrupulous criminals and corrupt politicians and lawyers who control the legal profession in Australia. Shameful, hideous, and treacherous are just a few words that describe these lawbreakers—government Corruption. Read about the corruption within the government bureaucracy that plagued the COT arbitrations.
🔥 Why This Matters
This saga is not merely about technical faults—it’s a chilling account of betrayed public trust, abused legal authority, and the systematic silencing of whistleblowers. The COT Cases reveal how entrenched alliances between government officials, corporate operatives, and legal professionals can devastate lives and erode democratic institutions.
Step into the shadowed corridors of power, where horrific crimes were orchestrated by deceitful criminals and corrupt politicians, aided by unscrupulous lawyers who twisted the arbitration process into a weapon of suppression (see: The eleventh remedy pursued). These individuals represent the depths of moral decay—where terms like shameful, hideous, and treacherous barely begin to describe their conduct.
What unfolded within the COT arbitrations was not just bureaucratic failure—it was deliberate, coordinated corruption. A saga of collusion and betrayal, where government agencies shielded Telstra from accountability, and legal mechanisms were manipulated to discriminate against sixteen Australian citizens. This wasn’t an administrative mishap—it was one of the most egregious injustices since Federation. A national disgrace. An injustice that still cries out for reckoning → An Injustice to the remaining 16 Australian citizens
🕳️ Ericsson’s Infiltration: A Thirty-Year Betrayal
Learn how Ericsson of Sweden infiltrated the Australian arbitration system—installing faulty AXE telephone equipment that was under investigation by the arbitrator. In a shocking turn of events, the investigation into Ericsson was abruptly halted after the company went to extraordinary lengths to purchase the arbitration consultants. This ensured that the confidential material they had collected during the process remained buried, resulting in devastating consequences for up to 120,000 Telstra customers.

(see Bad Bureaucrats File No/11 – Part One and File No/11 – Part Two)
The letters dated 8 and 9 April 1994, from Telstra’s Group General Manager to the Chair of AUSTEL (now ACMA), reveal that AUSTEL was not operating as an independent regulator. Instead, these communications demonstrate that Telstra was able to influence AUSTEL’s official findings in the COT report. In multiple instances, Telstra explicitly requested amendments to AUSTEL’s conclusions—and AUSTEL complied. For example, Telstra advised the Chairperson:
“The Report, when commenting on the number of customers with COT-type problems, refers to a research study undertaken by Telecom at Austel’s request. The Report extrapolates from those results and infers that the number of customers so affected could be as high as 120 000. … (See Open Letter File No/11)
And the next day:
“In relation to point 4, you have agreed to withdraw the reference in the Report to the potential existence of 120,000 COT-type customers and replace it with a reference to the potential existence of “some hundreds” of COT-type customers” (See Open Letter File No/11)
Point 2.71 in AUSTEL’s April 1994 formal public report notes:
“the number of Telecom customers experiencing COT type service difficulties and faults is substantially higher than Telecom’s original estimate of 50”.
It was a treacherous betrayal of public trust when a government regulator drastically altered its findings—slashing the number of reported COT-type complaints from over 120,000 to barely 50. This wasn’t a clerical error. It was a deliberate and sinister deception, engineered to protect Telstra and mislead the public. Such manipulation undermines the very foundation of regulatory integrity, casting a long, corrosive shadow over those entrusted with power.
Amid these glaring telecommunications failures, Rupert Murdoch and FOX appear to have been rewarded, their interests seemingly prioritised while everyday Australians were left to suffer. The cost was devastating: bankruptcies, prolonged court battles, and shattered lives—all fueled by the lies and omissions of government bureaucrats. This wasn’t just mismanagement. It was collusion, and it defrauded the nation.
10. Telstra's CEO and Board have known about this scam since 1992. They have had the time and the opportunity to change the policy and reduce the cost of labour so that cable roll-out commitments could be met and Telstra would be in good shape for the imminent share issue. Instead, they have done nothing but deceive their Minister, their appointed auditors and the owners of their stockÐ the Australian taxpayers. The result of their refusal to address the TA issue is that high labour costs were maintained and Telstra failed to meet its cable roll-out commitment to Foxtel. This will cost Telstra directly at least $400 million in compensation to News Corp and/or Foxtel and further major losses will be incurred when Telstra's stock is issued at a significantly lower price than would have been the case if Telstra had acted responsibly.
11. Telstra not only failed to act responsibly, it failed in its duty of care to its shareholders. So the real losers are the taxpayers and to an extent, the thousands of employees who will be sacked when Telstra reaches its roll-out targetÐcable past 4 million households, or 2.5 million households if it is assumed that Telstra's CEO accepts directives from the
At the heart of this betrayal stood the arbitrator, who willfully ignored the looming crisis tied to the Ericsson telephone exchange—a system known to be causing widespread faults. By allowing these issues to persist unaddressed during arbitration, the arbitrator denied the COT Cases any chance of appeal. The damage was locked in. And when Ericsson quietly absconded to Sweden, they took with them thousands of confidential business and personal records—documents entrusted during arbitration under the false promise of return.
🎭 Ericsson: Puppet Master of Deceit
If the reader has not yet grasped the staggering implications of Rupert Murdoch and FOX’s $400 million windfall—facilitated by the Australian-owned Telstra Corporation—then consider the deeper reality. Countless Australians (who were among the 120,000 COT-type fault complainants) had to pay Telstra’s inflated bills or endure gruelling, costly legal battles. This injustice was compounded by the covert complicity of AUSTEL (now ACMA). This government regulator collaborated with Telstra to obscure the truth from both the courts and the arbitration process, revealing that Australia had a systemic billing problem.
Many of these individuals—already suffering severe financial and emotional distress—had legitimate claims tied to malfunctioning Ericsson telephone exchange equipment. Yet their grievances were systematically ignored, buried beneath layers of bureaucratic denial and legal obstruction.
The most shocking betrayal, however, stems from Ericsson, Telstra’s principal technical supplier. With calculated precision, Ericsson exploited the arbitration system, manipulating its mechanisms to serve their own agenda. While Australians struggled to navigate the legal maze alone, Ericsson operated behind the scenes—shielded from scrutiny, protected by silence, and empowered by influence.
This manipulation didn’t just erode trust in the arbitration process—it exposed the vulnerability of consumers, caught in the crossfire of corporate collusion and regulatory failure. It is a story of power without accountability, and of ordinary citizens sacrificed to protect extraordinary interests.
This is not just a story of technical failure. It is a national scandal, a moral reckoning, and a call to expose the machinery of deception that left sixteen Australian citizens fighting for justice in the ruins of a corrupted process.
In late 1999, Frank Blount, then CEO of Telstra, co-authored a manuscript with the Telstra Board after they brokered a $400 million deal with Rupert Murdoch, detailing the numerous problems Telstra was experiencing with its telecommunications infrastructure. The book, titled Managing in Australia (available online), can still be purchased today. (https://www.qbd.com.au › managing-in-australia › fran...
On pages 132 and 133, the co-author reveals the issues Telstra was experiencing with its 1800 customers. The co-author wrote:
- “Blount was shocked, but his anxiety level continued to rise when he discovered this wasn’t an isolated problem."
- "The picture that emerged made it crystal clear that performance was sub-standard.” (See File 122-i - CAV Exhibit 92 to 127)
Even now, in 2025, thirty years after this egregious breach of trust, the claimants remain trapped in a cycle of silence and despair.
🧠 The Machinery of Corruption
Delve into the dark underbelly of horrendous crimes, deceitful criminals, and the corrupt politicians and lawyers who manipulate Australia’s legal profession. Words like shameful, hideous, and treacherous barely scratch the surface of the malevolence exhibited by these lawbreakers and the rampant government corruption infecting the system.
Uncover the insidious issues within the government bureaucracy that plagued the COT (Claim of Territory) arbitrations—an arena where justice was corrupted and twisted beyond recognition.
Explore ghastly instances of foreign bribery, deceitful practices, and kleptocracy, revealing corruption that poses immense challenges to the very fabric of society. The website AbsentJustice.com serves as a chilling portal into this world, triggering a deeper examination of political corruption and providing a grotesque portrayal of criminal activities—including widespread fraud.
• George Close, a respected technical consultant for the COT Cases, compiled a 21-page report based on extensive telecommunications data and industry contacts, particularly in Canada. This report was intended to expose faults in Ericsson AXE equipment used by Telstra and guide future improvements.• According to the archive at AbsentJustice.com, Ericsson had a pecuniary interest in Telstra, and their acquisition of Lane Telecommunications—Telstra’s arbitration technical advisor—created a conflict of interest. Lane was involved in assessing Ericsson equipment during arbitration, yet was owned by Ericsson during that time.• The COT Cases were denied access to appeal, even though Ericsson’s AXE faults were later acknowledged. This raises serious questions about the integrity of the arbitration process and the handling of technical evidence.
• While there is no direct evidence publicly confirming that Ericsson transported the Close report to Sweden, the absence of the report from the arbitration record, combined with Ericsson’s history of withholding internal reports (as seen in the Iraq scandal), suggests a pattern of document suppression.• Ericsson has faced multiple investigations under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) for misconduct in various countries, including concealment of internal findings and unethical business practices.
• The failure to compensate George Close or other contributors, despite the strategic value of their work, reflects a broader disregard for ethical standards.• The Australian government’s refusal to investigate the arbitration failures, despite mounting evidence, compounds the injustice faced by the COT Cases.• The loss of the Close report—a document that could have reshaped arbitration outcomes and exposed systemic faults—remains a symbol of the institutional betrayal experienced by whistleblowers like Alan and his allies.
It is essential to introduce here the bribery and corruption issues the US Department of Justice raised against Ericsson on 19 December 2019, as reported in the Australian media, stating:
” One of Telstra's key partners in the building out of their 5G network in Australia is set to fork out over $1.4 billion after the US Department of Justice accused them of bribery and corruption on a massive scale and over a long period of time.”
“Sweden's telecoms giant Ericsson has agreed to pay more than $1.4 billion following an extensive investigation which saw the Telstra-linked Company 'admitting to a years-long campaign of corruption in five countries to solidify its grip on telecommunications business.” (https://www.channelnews.com.au/key-telstra-5g-partner-admits-to-bribery-corruption/)
📡 Ericsson, Arbitration, and the Vanishing Files: A Global Scandal
The U.S. Department of Justice has made shocking discoveries about Ericsson’s global telecommunications operations, uncovering disturbing links to international corruption and even terrorist organisations. These revelations cast a harsh light on the Casualties of Telstra (COT) Cases, exposing a web of deceit that raises urgent questions:
How was Ericsson allowed to operate unchallenged in Australia—especially during government-sanctioned arbitration proceedings?
One of the most troubling aspects is Ericsson’s covert acquisition of Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd, a firm that was actively serving as a technical consultant during the COT arbitrations. This move wasn’t just unethical—it was a deliberate manipulation of the process. It happened while serious allegations were being raised about Telstra and Ericsson’s reliance on the discredited Ericsson AXE exchange equipment (see File 10-B )—a system abandoned by multiple countries due to its critical deficiencies.
And yet, the Australian government remained silent.
🧠 Connections to Terrorism and Suppressed Evidence
The U.S. Department of Justice didn’t stop at bribery. They uncovered alarming evidence of Ericsson’s past dealings with terrorist groups, including ISIS. According to court documents, Ericsson withheld key details from U.S. investigators, including operations in ISIS-held areas of Iraq. These revelations are not speculation—they’re documented in federal filings and investigative reports.
The internal fax from the arbitration legal advisors (refer to File 496 → AS-CAV Exhibits 495 to 541) uncovers a disturbing acknowledgement that, should they choose to investigate my claims, the Bell Canada test could never have been conducted at the Portland Ericsson AXE telephone exchange. The statement within this fax, where John, the Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman, declares that his "POSITION IS NOT TO OPEN THE CAN OF WORMS," reeks of a calculated effort to suppress the truth.
(File 496 → AS-CAV Exhibits 495 to 541)
This troubling revelation casts a dark shadow over the integrity of the entire process, especially in light of the previously acknowledged, falsified BCI testing results that Telstra deceitfully employed to manipulate the arbitrator into believing my business faced no ongoing issues—when in reality, the problems were stark and undeniable. Had a proper investigation been conducted, the exposure of these treacherous practices could have provided me with an opportunity to challenge the unjust ruling against me. Their silence is not just complicit; it is a telling indicator of the corruption and betrayal lurking beneath the surface.
Meanwhile, back in Australia, Ericsson had infiltrated Telstra’s telecommunications infrastructure, acquiring confidential information from the COT Cases. Despite being made aware of this, the Australian government did nothing to assist us in recovering the Ericsson arbitration claim documents—documents that, under Clause Six of the Arbitration Agreement, were supposed to be returned within six weeks of the arbitrator’s conclusion on May 11, 1995.
It is now 2025, and I still do not have those files.
Ericsson confiscated critical information from Lane Telecommunications for an undisclosed sum, despite Lane’s role as an independent witness. This situation defies belief.
❓ Where Are My Ericsson AXE Files?
Given Ericsson’s troubling history, can we truly assume they never disclosed the COT Cases’ claims against them and Telstra—a company that still relies on Ericsson as a principal supplier? It feels absurd.
And yet, the pressing question remains:
Where are the Ericsson AXE files I submitted during arbitration in 1994?
⚖️ Justice, Still Denied
I cannot stress this enough:
It is now 2025, and the concept of justice remains an elusive spectre, taunting those who seek it.
We—the claimants—continue to suffer.
Not because we were wrong.
But because a faceless global corporation used its influence to suppress dissent and manipulate Australia’s arbitration system into an instrument of treachery and betrayal.
Their reach has twisted the very essence of justice into something unrecognisable—leaving the innocent in anguish and abandonment, trapped in the shadows.
No Donate Button—But a Call to Action
If, while reading this narrative, you find yourself wondering where the donate button is—there isn’t one.
This website does not seek personal donations. Instead, if you believe this work presents a compelling case for justice and equity within Australia’s arbitration and mediation processes, and if you see value in the research, evidence, and advocacy behind it, I invite you to support a cause that aligns with these principles.
Consider donating directly to Transparency International Australia. Your contribution will help raise awareness of the injustices that threaten our democracy and support efforts to hold institutions accountable.
This work is offered freely, driven by a moral obligation to expose the truth. But the fight for transparency is bigger than one voice—it needs all of us.
📞 From Seafarer to Holiday Camp Owner: A Dream Undone
My name is Alan Smith, and this is the harrowing tale of my battle against a behemoth of corruption—the telecommunications giant and the Australian Government. This twisted saga has spiralled since 1992, revealing a shadowy web of deceit that entangles elected officials, regulatory bodies, the courts, and Telstra (formerly Telecom). The pursuit of justice has become a relentless curse, gnawing at the edges of my existence.
It all started in 1987, when I abandoned my life at sea after 30 years, desperate for a fresh start on land. I envisioned running a spirited school holiday camp. When I stumbled upon the Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp and Convention Centre advertised in The Age newspaper, it seemed like the perfect opportunity. Yet, in my eagerness, I neglected one crucial detail—ensuring that the phone lines were functional.
Within days of taking the helm, the grim reality set in: the phone service was utterly unreliable. Customers and suppliers were cut off, leaving my once-promising venture to crumble under the weight of isolation and failure. Thus began a decades-long struggle against a massive adversary, filled with empty promises and paltry compensation. The issue remained a dark cloud hanging over me, unresolved and taunting. Even after I sold the business in 2002, the new owners found themselves ensnared in the same treacherous web of deceit.
As I fought against this monstrous entity, I discovered I was not alone. Others plagued by the same foul play joined my cause, and we became known as the Casualties of Telecom—the COT Cases. Each of us is weaving our own thread into the tapestry of betrayal. All we wanted was for Telstra to admit their faults, undo their treachery, and compensate us for our suffering. Is it too much to demand a simple, working phone line in the face of such insidious corruption?
Gaslighting
Psychological Manipulation
Regrettably for me, hidden amidst a treacherous pile of documents was a damning forty-one-page report titled "Fundamentally Flawed Ericsson AXE BCI Findings - Cape Bridgewater," prepared by George Close & Associates, the ostensibly reputable technical consultants who had agreed to assist eight COT Cases. As this dark tale unfolds, I will expose chilling evidence that demonstrates how an unscrupulous individual, armed with access to Telstra's devious fax screening process, covertly connected a secondary fax machine at Mr Close's residence and office on the seemingly quiet Flint Street in Buderim, Queensland. This treacherous figure leveraged Mr Close's facilities as a sinister conduit to pilfer sensitive information regarding which Freedom of Information (FOI) documents George Close was directing the seven COT Cases to request from Telstra's notoriously opaque FOI department.
The fact that Telstra was not legally bound to respond to each COT Case for a full thirty days was a calculated advantage for the shadowy operator of the secondary fax machine embedded within Telstra's network. This thirty-day delay created an insidious opportunity to gather intelligence on the precise documents that arbitration lawyers would inevitably demand. This allowed Telstra's FOI office to execute a calculated concealment of the very documents they anticipated would be sought, creating a disturbing facade where the arbitration lawyers were met with the relentless refrain that those essential documents could not be found when their searches commenced.
I emphasise this critical detail because, during a pivotal encounter with Rupert Murdoch's sister, Helen Handbury (Refer to Rupert Murdoch -Telstra Scandal - Helen Handbury), I unveiled the alarming evidence surrounding George Close's residence. I presented irrefutable proof that my faxes had been intercepted, along with those of other COT Cases, revealing the extent of this corrupt scheme. It was chillingly clear how vital it was for Telstra to deploy such underhanded tactics to obstruct the COT Cases from conclusively demonstrating that their ongoing phone problems were not merely relics of the past. Helen, recognising the gravity of the situation, assured me she would persuade Rupert to publish my book—a venture that cost me a staggering portion of the fee, totalling $25,000, which I had contracted with George Close for the compilation of my 21-page report, "Fundamentally Flawed Ericsson AXE BCI Findings - Cape Bridgewater." This troubling document was unexpectedly released on June 15, 1994, by Dr Gordon Hughes, the arbitrator, to Paul Rumble, five months earlier than his legal entitlement would have allowed. I confirmed that the submission dated June 15, 1994, was an interim report. This was indicated by John Wynack, the Director of Investigation for the Commonwealth Ombudsman, in his report, which stated that my claim was being delayed due to Telstra's threats to withhold any further Freedom of Information (FOI) documents.
Adding to the sordid narrative, this entire affair revolved around Paul Rumble, the very same individual who had wielded threats against me, promising to withhold any BCI information solely because I was collaborating with the Australian Federal Police (AFP).
While I grappled with the insidious implications tied to the BCI situation, I remained woefully ignorant of the depths of Dr Gordon Hughes' treachery at the time—specifically, how he had illegally dispatched George Close's BCI report to Mr Rumble. Compelled by the mounting threats, I meticulously constructed a response letter, yet I was tragically unaware that these threats could be eerily connected to the BCI information that Dr Hughes had shared with Mr Rumble. In that letter sent to Mr Rumble, I professed the following sentiments:
“I promised you on Friday night that I would not go running off to the Federal Police, and I intend to honor that promise. I will wait for your response to the following questions I have for Telecom.” (File 85 - AS-CAV Exhibit 48-A to 91)
“The thing that I’m intrigued by is the statement here that you’ve given Mr. Rumble your word that you would not go running off to the Federal Police, etc.”
“Why did Telecom advise the Commonwealth Ombudsman that Telecom withheld FOI documents from Alan Smith because Alan Smith provided Telecom FOI documents to the Australian Federal Police during their investigation?”
After receiving a hollow response, the senator pressed further:
“…Why would Telecom withhold vital documents from the AFP? Also, why would Telecom penalise COT members for providing documents to the AFP which substantiate that Telecom had conducted unauthorised interceptions of COT members’ communications and subsequently dealt in the intercepted information by providing that information to Telecom’s external legal advisers and others?” (See Senate Evidence File No 31)
🔍 The Threats Became Reality
Let me say this plainly: the threats weren’t just warnings—they became reality.
To this day, I have never seen the raw data from the Portland/Cape Bridgewater BCI testing. That data was intended to verify whether the tests had even taken place. Without it, the entire foundation of Telstra’s arbitration defence is suspect. And yet, no one has investigated these violations.
That silence speaks volumes.
I believe you are taking the most appropriate course of action
I have never received a written response from BCI, but the Canadian government ministers’ office wrote back on 7 July 1995, noting:
"In view of the facts of this situation, as I understand them, I believe you are taking the most appropriate course of action in contacting BCI directly with respect to the alleged errors in their test report, should you feel that they could assist you in your case."
⚖️ The Test That Never Reached The Portland/Cape Bridgewater Telephone Exchange.
On 29 June 1995, the Canadian government raised serious concerns about the accuracy of test results submitted by Telstra’s legal team, Freehill Hollingdale & Page—now Herbert Smith Freehills. These results, supposedly from Bell Canada International Inc., were used to assess the reliability of my phone service during arbitration. They were even sent to Mr Ian Joblin, a clinical psychologist, who was preparing to evaluate my mental health in Portland, Victoria, Australia.
Bell Canada International Inc. was brought from Canada specifically to test the telephone exchange in Portland and Cape Bridgewater, Victoria, and claimed to have made 13,590 test calls into the exchange servicing my business, boasting a 99.8% success rate—better than global standards. But there was a fatal flaw: the CCS7 equipment they referenced didn’t exist at the Cape Bridgewater or Portland exchanges. The nearest compatible exchange was 112 kilometres away in Warrnambool. So where did those calls actually go?
This wasn’t just a technical error—it was a deliberate misrepresentation. And it shaped the arbitrator’s final decision, dismissing my claims of ongoing faults.
🧭 The Canadian Consultant Who Told the Truth
In March 1995, DMR Group Inc. from Canada was reluctantly pulled into the arbitration, but not before the original consultants had confessed to a massive and troubling conflict of interest ten months prior. Telstra, with its web of influence, had secured nearly every prominent telecommunications expert in Victoria as its hired guns, leaving me isolated and powerless in my fight to prove that my ongoing telephone problems had not been investigated under the ambit of the arbitration procedures.
Paul Howell, a Canadian consultant with a reputable façade, was dispatched as the principal arbitration consultant, which seemed to be a strategic ploy. Unbeknownst to him, an ex-Telstra employee had been secretly appointed to investigate my claims, and a finding had been crafted on my case as early as April 8, 1995, even before Howell arrived in Australia in the second week of April. He was fed a limited view, restricted to the deceitful findings presented in David Reid's draft report from Lane Telecommunications. The evidence he reviewed was tainted and manipulated, as our story shows.
🧾 Arbitration, Surveillance, & The Briefcase That Could Have Changed Everything
We sought a comprehensive Senate investigation into our concerns, but instead, we were presented with a proposal for arbitration. With a glimmer of hope that our technical problems would be resolved, we accepted this route. Unfortunately, that hope was dashed as the issues remained unaddressed. We were assured access to essential Telecom documents, yet those promises fell flat, leaving us empty-handed. To make matters worse, our fax lines were surreptitiously monitored during the arbitration, a blatant violation of our privacy. Under the weight of government pressure, we ultimately found ourselves on the losing side.
We were lured into signing confidentiality agreements that have since shackled us. Though sharing this information may breach my agreement, I feel there are no viable alternatives left for me.
The two evidence files, Evidence File-1 and Evidence-File-2, unveil a disturbing and intricate pattern of government corruption as well as bribery and threatening conduct that developed before, during, and after the COT arbitrations. They document how government representatives became deeply entangled in a morally questionable framework that betrayed their public duty. In the shadows, powerful officials formed a clandestine alliance, prioritising their own personal interests and agendas over the well-being of the very citizens they were sworn to serve independently.
This breach of trust not only undermined the citizens’ faith in their government but also severely compromised the transparency and integrity of the investigation into the arbitration claims against Telstra. As a result, the process became tainted, leaving COT claimants marginalised and unheard. The telecommunications infrastructure that Telstra relied upon in these dealings was shrouded in controversy, further raising concerns about accountability and ethical conduct among those in positions of power. The ramifications of this corrupt alliance extend far beyond the immediate arbitration claims, impacting the broader landscape of public trust in government institutions and regulatory agencies.
One particularly shocking incident highlights the extent of this corruption: crucial evidence, which could have exposed the secret dealings of a government-owned corporation, was willfully and systematically destroyed. This reckless act raises profound concerns about the accountability and transparency that should underpin public governance. Furthermore, during the review of the highly contentious COT Cases, vital information was purposefully redacted from official records, creating a deceptive façade of compliance while obstructing the pursuit of truth. This deliberate manipulation of information allowed the corporation to evade the scrutiny it so richly deserved, escaping the severe consequences of its actions.
Those tasked with examining archived documents found themselves ensnared in a tangled web of suppressed disclosures, navigating a labyrinth specifically designed to thwart the pursuit of justice. This oppressive environment effectively subverts the foundational principles of fairness and public trust, leaving citizens to grapple with a system that betrays their essential rights. The repercussions of these actions extend far beyond mere bureaucratic incompetence; they present a significant threat to the very integrity of democratic institutions.
The relentless tide of corruption and manipulation erodes public confidence. It undermines the societal framework, creating a grim atmosphere where accountability and justice are mere illusions, obscured by layers of deceit. The dark undercurrents of this governmental decay call for urgent and decisive action to dismantle the corrupt machinery and restore the fundamental principles of democracy, ensuring that the rights and voices of citizens are no longer silenced in the shadows of greed and malfeasance.
“COT Case Strategy”
As shown on page 5169 in Australia's Government SENATE official Hansard – Parliament of Australia Telstra's lawyers Freehill Hollingdale & Page devised a legal paper titled “COT Case Strategy” (see Prologue Evidence File 1-A to 1-C) instructing their client Telstra (naming me and three other businesses) on how Telstra could conceal technical information from us under the guise of Legal Professional Privilege even though the information was not privileged.
This COT Case Strategy was to be used against me, my named business, and the three other COT case members, Ann Garms, Maureen Gillan and Graham Schorer, and their three named businesses. Simply put, we and our four businesses were targeted even before our arbitrations commenced.
Worse, however, the day before the Senate committee uncovered this COT Case Strategy, they were also told under oath, on 24 June 1997 see:- pages 36 and 38 Senate - Parliament of Australia from an ex-Telstra employee turned -Whistle-blower, Lindsay White, that, while he was assessing the relevance of the technical information which the COT claimants had requested, he advised the Committee that:
Mr White "In the first induction - and I was one of the early ones, and probably the earliest in the Freehill's (Telstra’s Lawyers) area - there were five complaints. They were Garms, Gill and Smith, and Dawson and Schorer. My induction briefing was that we - we being Telecom - had to stop these people to stop the floodgates being opened."
Senator O’Chee then asked Mr White - "What, stop them reasonably or stop them at all costs - or what?"
Mr White responded by saying - "The words used to me in the early days were we had to stop these people at all costs".
Senator Schacht also asked Mr White - "Can you tell me who, at the induction briefing, said 'stopped at all costs" .
Mr White - "Mr Peter Gamble, Peter Riddle".
Senator Schacht - "Who".
Mr White - "Mr Peter Gamble and a subordinate of his, Peter Ridlle. That was the induction process-"
From Mr White's statement, it is clear that he identified me as one of the five COT claimants that Telstra had singled out to be ‘stopped at all costs’ from proving their case against Telstra. One of the named Peter's in this Senate Hansard who had advised Mr White we five COT Cases had to stopped at all costs is the same Peter Gamble who swore under oath, in his witness statement to the arbitrator, that the testing at my business premises had met all of AUSTEL’s specifications when it is clear from Telstra's Falsified SVT Report that the arbitration Service Verification Testing (SVT testing) conducted by this Peter did not meet all of the governments mandatory specifications.
It is evident from the comments made by COT Cases spokesperson Graham Schorer in Chapter 3 - Conflict of Interest that when Dr Gordon Hughes became a COT arbitrator, he did not disclose that he had represented Graham Schorer in a similar matter involving Telstra in the Federal Court of Australia two years earlier. Dr Hughes knowingly concealed documents from Mr Schorer at the request of the Government Solicitor. The Telstra representative involved in this concealment was Peter Gamble.
Interestingly, this same Peter Gamble was mentioned in a Senate Committee hearing in June 1997, as the individual who instructed Telstra whistleblower Lindsay White and Graham Schorer, along with three other COT Cases, 'had to be stopped at all costs' from substantiating our claims against Telstra.
GEORGE CLOSE & ASSOCIATES - bugged and disarmed.
The COT Cases never had a chance.
Whoever had access to Telstra’s network, and therefore the TIO’s office service lines, knew – during the designated appeal time of my arbitration – that my arbitration was conducted using a set of rules (arbitration agreement) that the arbitrator declared not credible. There are three fax identification lines across the top of the second page of this 12 May 1995 letter:
- The third line down from the top of the page (i.e. the bottom line) shows that the document was first faxed from the arbitrator’s office, on 12-5-95, at 2:41 pm to the Melbourne office of the TIO – 61 3 277 8797;
- The middle line indicates that it was faxed on the same day, one hour later, at 15:40, from the TIO’s fax number, followed by the words “TIO LTD”.
- The top line, however, begins with the words “Fax from” followed by the correct fax number for the TIO’s office (visible
Consider the order of the time stamps. The top line is the second sending of the document at 14:50, nine minutes after the fax from the arbitrator’s office; therefore, between the TIO’s office receiving the first fax, which was sent at 2.41 pm (14:41), and sending it on at 15:40, to his home, the fax was also re-sent at 14:50. In other words, the document sent nine minutes after the letter reached the TIO office was intercepted.
The fax imprint across the top of this letter is the same as the fax imprint described in the Scandrett & Associates report (see Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13), which states:
“We canvassed examples, which we are advised are a representative group, of this phenomena .
“They show that
- the header strip of various faxes is being altered
- the header strip of various faxes was changed or semi overwritten.
- In all cases the replacement header type is the same.
- The sending parties all have a common interest and that is COT.
- Some faxes have originated from organisations such as the Commonwealth Ombudsman office.
- The modified type face of the header could not have been generated by the large number of machines canvassed, making it foreign to any of the sending services.”
The fax imprint across the top of this letter, dated 12 May 1995 (Open Letter File No 55-A) is the same as the fax imprint described in the January 1999 Scandrett & Associates report provided to Senator Ron Boswell (see Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13), confirming faxes were intercepted during the COT arbitrations. One of the two technical consultants attesting to the validity of this January 1999 fax interception report emailed me on 17 December 2014, stating:
“I still stand by my statutory declaration that I was able to identify that the incoming faxes provided to me for review had at some stage been received by a secondary fax machine and then retransmitted, this was done by identifying the dual time stamps on the faxes provided.” (Front Page Part One File No/14)
It is clear from exhibits 646 and 647 (see AS-CAV Exhibits 589 to 647) that Telstra admitted in writing to the Australian Federal Police on 14 April 1994 that my private and business telephone conversations were listened to and recorded over several months, but only when a particular officer was on duty.
Does Telstra expect the AFP to accept that every time this officer left the Portland telephone exchange, the alarm bell set up to broadcast my telephone conversations throughout the exchange was turned off? What was the point of setting up equipment connected to my telephone lines that only operated when this person was on duty? When I asked Telstra under the FOI Act during my arbitration to supply me all the detailed data obtained from this special equipment set up for this specially assigned Portland technician, that data was not made available during my 1994.95 arbitration and has still not been made available in 2022.
On my second request for this detailed data, Paul Rumble, Telstra's arbitration officer, threatened me that if I continued to provide this type of information to the AFP, Telstra would refrain from supplying that information. It was up to me. Stop supplying the AFP with FOI documents, and Telstra will assist me by providing the arbitrator with this type of evidence. I refused to be threatened in this manner.
Exhibit AS 492-A file AS-CAV 488-A to 494-E is a letter dated 26 August 1998 from George Close to the new Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman. The fax header records: Fax from: — 61 74 453198 — 17:54, which was Mr Close's residential fax number. Our Main Evidence File (see Open Letter File No/12, and File No/13) is the technical findings of both Scandrett & Associates and Peter Hancock, showing that they both agree that if the wording Fax from: followed by the numbers of the various COT faxes does not also include the correct business identification of the respective COT business then that indicates that those faxes were intercepted by a secondary fax machine and then redirected on to the intended destination.
This intercepted letter from Mr Close was copied to the offices of twelve different Government Ministers in Parliament House, Canberra, raising several important questions. Since we constantly hear politicians questioning how information has been leaked from the party room, could this be because even Government offices in Parliament House are also routed through Telstra's Fax Streaming centre? Even if those Government offices have officially organised the Fax Streaming arrangement, what could be happening to the documents that go through that system without the Government's knowledge? Could it be that privileged, in-confidence material 'leaks' out of Parliament House through Telstra similarly? Is it that Telstra's Fax Streaming process means that, around the country, private is not so private?
Just to let you know, although the George Close exhibits are of poor quality (having been copied several times), the poor quality does not take away the truth that these exhibits, when viewed together, still prove our claims.
Exhibit AS 492-B file AS-CAV 488-A to 494-E, which is a report faxed by Mr Close on 16 April 1998, has the correct identification across the top of the page see 61-74-453198 — GEORGE CLOSE & ASSOC — 17:34. In simple terms, those with access to Telstra's network were able to use 'keywords' so only specific faxes leaving Mr Close's residence were intercepted. I have used these two examples because they were sent at approximately the same time in the afternoon, although months apart.
How many other arbitration and legal processes is this interception of the legal documentation being hacked by the opposing side, screened, and copied before sending it to its intended destination? The advantage of knowing the other side's weaknesses and strengths is endless. And this all happened in Australia. I firmly believe up to the day George Close passed away, he never got over the fact that Telstra had used his residence and office to the detriment of his clients.
A secondary fax machine
As a further example of how serious this fax interception issue was during the COT arbitrations, I need to discuss the 12 May 1995 letter, written by the arbitrator the day after he brought down my award, the arbitrator, Dr Hughes condemned the Telstra-drafted arbitration agreement as not a credible document to use in the process; however, he still used it to my detriment. I.e.;
“the time frames set in the original Arbitration Agreement were, with the benefit of hindsight, optimistic;
“in particular; we did not allow sufficient time in the Arbitration Agreement for inevitable delays associated with the production of documents, obtaining further particulars and the preparation of technical reports; …
“In summary, it is my view that if the process is to remain credible, it is necessary to contemplate a time frame for completion which is longer than presently contained in the Arbitration Agreement.” see Open Letter File No 55-A).
The fax imprint across the top of this letter (Open Letter File No 55-A) is the same as the fax imprint described in the Scandrett & Associates report (see Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13.
Whoever had access to Telstra’s network, and therefore the TIO’s office service lines, knew – during the designated appeal time of my arbitration – that my arbitration was conducted using a set of rules (arbitration agreement) that the arbitrator declared not credible. There are three fax identification lines across the top of the second page of this 12 May 1995 letter:
The third line down from the top of the page (i.e. the bottom line) shows that the document was first faxed from the arbitrator’s office, on 12-5-95, at 2:41 pm to the Melbourne office of the TIO – 61 3 277 8797;
The middle line indicates that it was faxed on the same day, one hour later, at 15:40, from the TIO’s fax number, followed by the words “TIO LTD”.
The top line, however, begins with the words “Fax from” followed by the correct fax number for the TIO’s office (visible).
Consider the order of the time stamps. The top line is the second sending of the document at 14:50, nine minutes after the fax from the arbitrator’s office; therefore, between the TIO’s office receiving the first fax, which was sent at 2.41 pm (14:41), and sending it on at 15:40, to his home, the fax was also re-sent at 14:50. In other words, the document sent nine minutes after the letter reached the TIO office was intercepted.
The fax imprint across the top of this letter is the same as the fax imprint described in the Scandrett & Associates report (see Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13),
From Telstra-Corruption to Truth-Tellers: Honouring the Whistleblowers
The twelve chapters—from Telstra-Corruption-Freehill-Hollingdale & Page to The Promised Documents Never Arrived—form a vivid tapestry of injustice, resistance, and revelation. Though these compelling narratives will eventually be retired, their role in illuminating the tangled web of the COT saga remains vital. They have served as a beacon, drawing public attention to the systemic failures and institutional betrayals that demand accountability.
In their place, we turn our focus to a broader constellation of truth-tellers—whistleblowers whose courage defies silence. These extraordinary individuals risk their safety, careers, and peace of mind to expose the realities buried beneath bureaucratic stonewalls and corporate spin. Their stories are not footnotes to history; they are its pulse.
Governments across the globe must recognise the indispensable role whistleblowers play. Democracy does not flourish in darkness. It depends on the light cast by those who refuse to look away.
These trailblazers walk a perilous path through a world riddled with deceit. The weight of hidden truths is a burden they refuse to carry alone. For them, complicity is not an option. Driven by conscience, they confront injustice with unwavering resolve, determined to reveal what others would prefer remain hidden.
Their sacrifices—often made in isolation, under threat, and without recognition—are acts of profound moral clarity. Their stories compel us to listen, to act, and to honour their legacy. In doing so, we not only defend the principles of justice—we inspire others to rise.

Telstra-Corruption-Freehill-Hollingdale & Page
Corrupt practices persisted throughout the COT arbitrations, flourishing in secrecy and obscurity. These insidious actions have managed to evade necessary scrutiny. Notably, the phone issues persisted for years following the conclusion of my arbitration, established to rectify these faults

Confronting Despair
The independent arbitration consultants demonstrated a concerning lack of impartiality. Instead of providing clear and objective insights, their guidance to the arbitrator was often marked by evasive language, misleading statements, and, at times, outright falsehoods.

Flash Backs – China-Vietnam
In 1967, Australia participated in the Vietnam War. I was on a ship transporting wheat to China, where I learned China was redeploying some of it to North Vietnam. Chapter 7, "Vietnam—Vietcong," discusses the link between China and my phone issues.

A Twenty-Year Marriage Lost
As bookings declined, my marriage came to an end. My ex-wife, seeking her fair share of our venture, left me with no choice but to take responsibility for leaving the Navy without adequately assessing the reliability of the phone service in my pursuit of starting a business.

Salvaging What I Could
Mobile coverage was nonexistent, and business transactions were not conducted online. Cape Bridgewater had only eight lines to service 66 families—132 adults. If four lines were used simultaneously, the remaining 128 adults would have only four lines to serve their needs.

Lies Deceit And Treachery
I was unaware of Telstra's unethical and corrupt business practices. It has now become clear that various unethical organisational activities were conducted secretly. Middle management was embezzling millions of dollars from Telstra.

An Unlocked Briefcase
On June 3, 1993, Telstra representatives visited my business and, in an oversight, left behind an unlocked briefcase. Upon opening it, I discovered evidence of corrupt practices concealed from the government, playing a significant role in the decline of Telstra's telecommunications network.
A Government-backed Arbitration
An arbitration process was established to hide the underlying issues rather than to resolve them. The arbitrator, the administrator, and the arbitration consultants conducted the process using a modified confidentiality agreement. In the end, the process resembled a kangaroo court.

Not Fit For Purpose
AUSTEL investigated the contents of the Telstra briefcases. Initially, there was disbelief regarding the findings, but this eventually led to a broader discussion that changed the telecommunications landscape. I received no acknowledgement from AUSTEL for not making my findings public.
&am

A Non-Graded Arbitrator
Who granted the financial and technical advisors linked to the arbitrator immunity from all liability regarding their roles in the arbitration process? This decision effectively shields the arbitration advisors from any potential lawsuits by the COT claimants concerning misconduct or negligence.<

The AFP Failed Their Objective
In September 1994, two officers from the AFP met with me to address Telstra's unauthorised interception of my telecommunications services. They revealed that government documents confirmed I had been subjected to these violations. Despite this evidence, the AFP did not make a finding.&am

The Promised Documents Never Arrived
In a February 1994 transcript of a pre-arbitration meeting, the arbitrator involved in my arbitration stated that he "would not determination on incomplete information.". The arbitrator did make a finding on incomplete information.
Seven days after receiving an eagerly anticipated letter from the Canadian Government, I was delighted to receive another letter of support on July 15, 1995. This correspondence arrived two months after the arbitrator's premature announcement regarding my incomplete claim, which had left many questions unanswered.
In this moment, I was grateful to Amanda Davis, the former General Manager of Consumer Affairs at AUSTEL (now known as ACMA). She graciously provided me with an open letter, a token of her support that I could share with individuals of my choosing. This thoughtful gesture not only reinforced her belief in my integrity and professionalism but also served as a beacon of hope amidst the uncertainty I was facing.
“I am writing this in support of Mr Alan Smith, who I believe has a meeting with you during the week beginning 17 July. I first met the COT Cases in 1992 in my capacity as General Manager, Consumer Affairs at Austel. The “founding” group were Mr Smith, Mrs Ann Garms of the Tivoli Restaurant, Brisbane, Mrs Shelia Hawkins of the Society Restaurant, Melbourne, Mrs Maureen Gillian of Japanese Spare Parts, Brisbane, and Mr Graham Schorer of Golden Messenger Couriers, Melbourne. Mrs. Hawkins withdrew very early on, and I have had no contact with her since.
The treatment these individuals have received from Telecom and Commonwealth government agencies has been disgraceful, and I have no doubt they have all suffered as much through this treatment as they did through the faults on their telephone services.
One of the striking things about this group is their persistence and enduring belief that eventually there will be a fair and equitable outcome for them, and they are to admired for having kept as focussed as they have throughout their campaign.
Having said that, I am aware all have suffered both physically and their family relationships. In one case, the partner of the claimant has become seriously incapacitated; due, I beleive to the way Telecom has dealt with them. The others have al suffered various stress related conditions (such as a minor stroke.
During my time at Austel I pressed as hard as I could for an investigation into the complaints. The resistance to that course of action came from the then Chairman. He was eventually galvanised into action by ministerial pressure. The Austel report looks good to the casual observer, but it has now become clear that much of the information accepted by Austel was at best inaccurate, and at worst fabricated, and that Austel knew or ought to have known this at the time.”
After leaving Austel I continued to lend support to the COT Cases, and was instrumental in helping them negotiate the inappropriately named "Fast Track" Arbitration Agreement. That was over a year ago, and neither the Office of the Commonwealth Ombudsman nor the Arbitrator has been succsessful in extracting information from Telecom which would equip the claimants to press their claims effectively. Telecom has devoted staggering levels of time, money and resources to defeating the claiams, and there is no pretence even that the arbitration process has attemted to produce a contest between equals.
Even it the remaining claimants receive satisfactory settlements (and I have no reason to think that will be the outcome) it is crucial that the process be investigated in the interest of accountabilty of publical companies and the public servants in other government agencies.
Because I am not aware of the exact citrcumstances surronding your meeting with Mr Smith, nor your identity, you can appriate that I am being fairly circimspect in what I am prepared to commit to writing. Suffice it to say, though, I am fast coming to share the view that a public inquiry of some discripion is the only way that the reasons behind the appalling treatent of these people will be brought to the surface.
I would be happy to talk to you in more detail if you think that would be useful, and can be reached at the number shown above at any time.
Thank you for your interest in this matter, and for sparing the time to talk to Alan. (See File 501 - AS-CAV Exhibits 495 to 541 )
Two months after I received a letter from the Canadian Government dated July 7, 1995, Amanda Davis, who held the position of General Manager of Consumer Affairs at AUSTEL—the government agency responsible for overseeing communications—expressed her concerns to Senator Ron Boswell. This discussion took place just four months following the arbitrator, Dr Hughes, who had prematurely delivered his findings regarding my case.
Amanda was acutely aware that I had been systematically denied access to crucial documents needed to effectively build my case against Telecom/Telstra. This lack of documentation placed me at a significant disadvantage.
During the meeting, Senator Boswell, visibly emotional, spoke passionately about the deep injustices endured by the four COT claimants—Ann Garms, Maureen Gillan, Graham Schorer, and me. He highlighted the numerous challenges we four had faced both before and during our arbitration proceedings. His remarks, in the Senate under the heading "A MATTER OF PUBLIC INTEREST", state in part:
“Eleven years after their first complaints to Telstra, where are they now? They are acknowledged as the motivators of Telecom’s customer complaint reforms. … But, as individuals, they have been beaten both emotionally and financially through an 11-year battle with Telstra. …
“Then followed the Federal Police investigation into Telecom’s monitoring of COT case services. The Federal Police also found there was a prima facie case to institute proceedings against Telecom but the DPP , in a terse advice, recommended against proceeding. …
“Once again, the only relief COT members received was to become the catalyst for Telecom to introduce a revised privacy and protection policy. Despite the strong evidence against Telecom, they still received no justice at all. …
“These COT members have been forced to go to the Commonwealth Ombudsman to force Telecom to comply with the law. Not only were they being denied all necessary documents to mount their case against Telecom, causing much delay, but they were denied access to documents that could have influenced them when negotiating the arbitration rules, and even in whether to enter arbitration at all. …
“Telecom has treated the Parliament with contempt. No government monopoly should be allowed to trample over the rights of individual Australians, such as has happened here.” (See Senate Hansard Evidence File No-1)

Chapter 1
Learn about government corruption and the dirty deeds used by the government to cover up these horrendous injustices committed against 16 Australian citizens

Chapter 2
Betrayal deceit disinformation duplicity falsehood fraud hypocrisy lying mendacity treachery and trickery. This sums up the COT government endorsed arbitrations.
Chapter 3
Ending bribery corruption means holding the powerful to account and closing down the systems that allows bribery, illicit financial flows, money laundering, and the enablers of corruption to thrive.
Chapter 4
Learn about government corruption and the dirty deeds used by the government to cover up these horrendous injustices committed against 16 Australian citizens. Government corruption within the public service affected most if not all of the COT arbitrations.

Chapter 5
Corruption is contagious and does not respect sectoral boundaries. Corruption involves duplicity and reduces levels of morality and trust.
Chapter 6
Anti-corruption policies need to be used in anti-corruption reforms and strategy. Corruption metrics and corruption risk assessment is good governance
Chapter 7
Bribery and Corruption happens in the shadows, often with the help of professional enablers such as bankers, lawyers, accountants and real estate agents, opaque financial systems and anonymous shell companies that allow corruption schemes to flourish and the corrupt to launder their wealth.

Chapter 8
Corrupt practices in government and the results of those corrupt practices become problematic enough – but when that corruption becomes systemic in more than one operation, it becomes cancer that endangers the welfare of the world's democracy.
Chapter 9
Corruption in government, including non-government self-regulators, undermines the credibility of that government. It erodes the trust of its citizens who are left without guidance are the feel of purpose. Bribery and Corruption is cancer that destroys economic growth and prosperity.

Chapter 10
The horrendous, unaddressed crimes perpetrated against the COT Cases during government-endorsed arbitrations administered by the Telecommunication Industry Ombudsman have never been investigated.

Chapter 11
This type of skulduggery is treachery, a Judas kiss with dirty dealing and betrayal. This is dirty pool and crookedness and dishonest. This conduct fester’s corruption. It is as bad, if not worse than double-dealing and cheating those who trust you.&a
