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Chapter 7- Vietnam-Viet-Cong-2

 

Echoes of Betrayal: Wheat Sales to China - and the Government bureaucrats who continued to tell Australia's politicians what several other seamen and I had witnessed in China was a lie. The following information shows we risked all to expose the truth.  
 
The betrayal is not new. Reflecting on Australia’s wheat sales to Communist China in 1967, the hypocrisy becomes clear. Bureaucrats knowingly allowed grain to be repurposed to fuel North Vietnam’s war effort against Australian, New Zealand, and American troops. This act of negligence and complicity demonstrates how detached decision-makers, insulated by theory and bureaucracy, can transform potential solutions into catastrophic consequences. It is a reminder that betrayal often comes not from enemies abroad, but from incompetence at home.
 
I returned to Australia on 18 September 1967, having narrowly escaped China and been fundamentally changed from the person I was when I left in June 1967. Yet, over the past thirty years, I have been treated disgracefully, no differently than other brave whistleblowers who dared to stand up for the truth against a backdrop of horror, scandal, and betrayal. The corruption runs deep, and the implications are horrifying.
 
My anger—and that of my crewmates—was never directed at the idea of sending wheat to a starving China on humanitarian grounds. None of us objected to helping civilians in desperate need. What ignited our fury was something far darker: the knowledge that, despite my formal warnings to the Commonwealth Police (now the AFP) and to The Hon. Malcolm Fraser, then Minister for the Army, on 18 September 1967, that some of this so‑called humanitarian wheat was being diverted to North Vietnam, this terrible trade continued (Refer to Chapter 7- Vietnam-Viet-Cong-2)
 

 The People's Republic of China 

Chinese Red Guards - Absent Justice

Murdered for Mao: The killings China ‘forgot’

The Letter, the Truth, and the Waiting

In August 1967, I found myself in a situation so precarious, so surreal, that it would etch itself into the marrow of my memory. I was aboard a cargo ship docked in China, surrounded by Red Guards stationed on board twenty-four hours a day, spaced no more than thirty paces apart. After being coerced into writing a confession—declaring myself a U.S. aggressor and a supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader in Taiwan—I was told by the second steward, who handled the ship’s correspondence, that I had about two days before a response to my letter might reach me. That response, whatever it might be, would be delivered by the head of the Red Guards himself.

It was the second steward who quietly suggested I write to my parents. I did. I poured myself into 22 foolscap pages, writing with the urgency of a man who believed he might not live to see the end of the week. I told my church-going parents that I was not the saintly 18-year-old they believed I was. I confessed that the woman they had so often thanked in their letters—believing her to be my landlady or carer—was in fact my lover. She was 42. I was 18 when we met. From 1963 to 1967, she had been my anchor, my warmth, my truth. I wrote about my life at sea, about the chaos and the camaraderie, about the loneliness and the longing. I wrote because I needed them to know who I really was, in case I was executed before I ever saw them again.

As the ship’s cook and duty mess room steward, I had a front-row seat to the daily rhythms of life on board. I often watched the crew eat their meals on deck, plates balanced on the handrails that lined the ship. We were carrying grain to China on humanitarian grounds, and yet, the irony was unbearable—food was being wasted while the people we were meant to help were starving. Sausages, half-eaten steaks, baked potatoes—they’d slip from plates and tumble into the sea. But there were no seagulls to swoop down and claim them. They’d been eaten too. The food floated aimlessly, untouched even by fish, which had grown scarce in the harbour. Starvation wasn’t a concept. It was a presence. It was in the eyes of the Red Guards who watched us eat. It was in the silence that followed every wasted bite.

A Tray of Leftovers and a Silent Exchange

After my arrest, I was placed under house arrest aboard the ship. One day, I took a small metal tray from the galley and filled it—not with scraps, but with decent leftovers. Food that would have gone into the stockpot or been turned into dry hash cakes. I walked it out to the deck, placed it on one of the long benches, patted my stomach as if I’d eaten my fill, and walked away without a word.

Ten minutes later, I returned. The tray had been licked clean.

At the next meal, I did it again—this time with enough food for three or four Red Guards. I placed the tray on the bench and left. No words. No eye contact. Just food. I repeated this quiet ritual for two more days, all while waiting for the response to my letter. During that time, something shifted. The Red Guard, who had been waking me every hour to check if I was sleeping, stopped coming. The tension in the air thinned, just slightly. And I kept bringing food—whenever the crew was busy unloading wheat with grappling hooks wrapped in chicken wire, I’d slip out with another tray.

To this day, I don’t know what saved me. It was certainly not the letter declaring myself a U.S. aggressor and a supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader in Taiwan. Maybe it was luck. Or perhaps it was that tray of food, offered without expectation, without speech, without condition. A silent gesture that said, “I see you. I know you’re hungry. I know you’re human.”

And maybe, just maybe, that was enough.

In essence, the Australian government faced an agonising moral dilemma — weighing the lives of its soldiers engaged in the conflict in North Vietnam against the desperate need to provide sustenance for an entire nation teetering on the brink of starvation. This heart-wrenching choice highlights the often-unseen complexities of international relations and humanitarian crises, revealing the painful calculations made in the pursuit of survival.

Footnote 83, 84 and 169 → in a paper submitted by Tianxiao  Zhu to - The Faculty of the University of Minnesota titled Secret Trails:  FOOD AND TRADE IN LATE MAOIST CHINA, 1960-1978, etc → Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy - Christopher M Isett June 2021 

Tianxiao Zhu's Footnotes 83, 84, 169:

In September 1967, a group of British merchant seamen quit their ship, the Hope Peak, in Sydney and flew back to London. They told the press in London that they quit the job because of the humiliating experiences to which they were subjected while in Chinese ports. They also claimed that grain shipped from Australia to China was being sent straight on to North Vietnam. One of them said, “I have watched grain going off our ship on conveyor belts and straight into bags stamped North Vietnam. Our ship was being used to take grain from Australia to feed the North Vietnamese. It’s disgusting.” 

84. The Minister of Trade and Industry received an inquiry about the truth of the story in Parliament, to which the Minister pointed out that when they left Australia, the seamen only told the Australian press that they suffered such intolerable maltreatment in various Chinese ports that they were fearful about going back. But after they arrived in London, Vietnam was added to their story. Thus the Minister claimed that he did not know the facts and did not want to challenge this story, but it seemed to him that their claims about Vietnam seemed to be an “afterthought.”

169. "...In Vancouver, nine sailors refused to work on a grain ship headed to China: two of them eventually returned to work, and the others were arrested. Just when the ship was about to sail, seven more left the ship but three of them later returned to work. In Sydney, six Canadian sailors left their ship; they resigned and asked to be paid, but the Australian immigration office repatriated them. At that time, a grain ship usually had crew members of about 40 people. A British ship lost the Chief Officer and sixteen seamen, who told journalists that if the ship were going to the communist countries, they would rather go to jail than work on the ship."

The Canadian Government and Its Moral Code of Ethics

 

Portland Memorial Vietnam Peace Park

Portland Vietnam Memorial Peace Garden

Please visit → https://shorturl.at/aejRT

 

By courtesy of Yu Xiangzhen, May 2019 → https://shorturl.at/kRTUW

Textbooks explain the Cultural Revolution – in which hundreds of thousands of people were killed and millions more abused and traumatised – as a political movement started and led by Mao “by mistake,” but in reality it was a massive catastrophe for which we all bear responsibility.

"On May 16, 1966, I was practicing calligraphy with my 37 classmates when a high-pitched voice came from the school’s loudspeaker, announcing the central government’s decision to start what it called a “Cultural Revolution.”

It was my first year of junior high, I was just 13.

“Fellow students, we must closely follow Chairman Mao,” the speaker bellowed. “Get out of the classroom! Devote yourselves to the Cultural Revolution!”

Two boys rushed out of door, heading to the playground yelling something.

I left more slowly, holding hands with my best friend Haiyun as we followed everyone else outside.

It would be my last normal day of school."

Murdered for Mao: The killings China ‘forgot’

FOOD AND TRADE IN LATE MAOIST CHINA, 1960-1978

by T Zhu2021 — touched the Chinese and Russian grain markets in the 1960s, earlier than ... Australia to China was sent straight to North Vietnam.

 

MS Hopepeak - Absent Justice

 

 
In January 2024, for the second or third time since 2021, I read through the paper Food and Trade in Late Maoist China, 1960–1978, prepared by Tianxiao Zhu. Between Footnotes 82 and 85, T. Zhu names not only the Hopepeak ship, which I was on between 28 June and 18 September 1967 (refer to  British Seaman’s Record R744269 -  Open Letter to PM File No 1 Alan Smith's Seaman.  → Chapter 7- Vietnam-Vietcong-2), he tells the story the way it happened (I was there), not the way the government of the day told it to the people of Australia in 1967. 
 
The Australian Minister of Trade and Industry, Sir John McEwen, whom Tianxiao Zhu refers to as having stated that the British seafarers of the Hopepeak were fearful of returning to China, was only an afterthought after being flown from Sydney back to England. When John McEwen knew full well that this was not an afterthought, he didn’t tell the people of Australia, and later the British media, that the Commonwealth Police (now known as the AFP) met the ship on arrival in Sydney after hearing via the ship’s radio what had happened to some of the ship’s crew — which included me — also being shot as a spy as I was frog‑marched up and down the wharves in China as a USA sympathiser.
 
Those British seamen had witnessed me on two occasions being frog‑marched off the Hopepeak under armed guard, never to be seen again. I was only seen again because my life was not worth 13,600 tons of wheat still in Australia, ready to be loaded onto the Hopepeak for her return voyage back to the People’s Republic of China. The voyage these British seamen were afraid of (for good reason) was if they returned with the Hopepeak.
 
Interestingly, after the crew was flown back to England (I remained in Sydney), a new crew was flown out at the shipowner’s expense. Had the ship’s crew not proven they had good reason to fear returning to Communist China, the shipowner would not have borne the cost of flying the two crews.
 
If the skipper had not reported my experience, and that of another crew member of the Hopepeak, at the hands of the Chinese Red Guards on the ship’s return trip to Sydney, the Commonwealth Police (now called the Australian Federal Police) would not have been waiting on the dockside to interview me and this other crew member on 18 September 1967 when we arrived back.
 
Both the police and the media wanted to know why so many crew members feared returning to Red China. For a ship’s crew to all refuse to take the ship to sea because it was to travel to a certain destination is unheard of. This refusal to sail was NO afterthought. I reiterate: if what happened was not true, why did the Commonwealth Police and media meet the ship? The captain and shipowner must have notified them that all was not well even before the vessel had berthed.
 
What Tianxiao Zhu does not mention in the footnotes is that the Australian Trade Minister misled many people about the seriousness of what had taken place, so that the Australian government could continue to sell wheat to Red China.
 
Likewise, the Commonwealth Police asked me to describe to them the context of what I was forced to write under threat of being shot. They would not have done this had there not been official acknowledgement from the ship’s captain that this had happened. Why was I escorted off the Hopepeak under armed guard by the Red Guards and taken to the hospital in the manner I was? I was told I had syphilis, which I knew was highly unlikely, and when I refused to be injected with an unsterilised needle, I caused a scene at the hospital.
 
Refusing any demand by the Red Guards in the People’s Republic of China in 1967 was not something one did for no good reason.
 
I was placed under armed guard for several days, being regularly threatened, as was another crew member who had not taken too lightly to being stopped and forced to recite verses from Mao’s Red Bible. The ship’s officers helped me compile two letters, one addressed to Mao and the other to the People’s Republic of China. In those two letters, I apologised for causing a problem at the hospital and for my treatment of the Red Guards, whose treatment of me later was threefold.
 
What the two ship’s officers had written differed from what the Red Guards wanted to say in those letters. A third letter was written under pressure from the Red Guards, stating: “I am a US aggressor and a supporter of Chiang Kai‑shek and the Chinese Nationalist Party.” When I told the skipper that writing this statement meant I was signing my death warrant — as Chiang Kai‑shek was against Mao Tse‑tung — the Second Steward, in charge of the ship’s correspondence, said I was dead if I did not.
 
At the suggestion of the Second Steward, he stated it would be more potent if I wrote, “I disliked America and its invasion of North Vietnam.” It was agreed for me to hand‑deliver this letter to the armed guards as a show of respect (I did what I was advised), fearful of losing my life over an unsterilised needle.
 
Before leaving the ship with this letter, the Third Officer on the Hopepeak, who was from Mauritius, pulled me aside and informed me the cargo being unloaded had already been paid for by the People’s Republic of China. A further load of similar wheat still in Australia had also been paid for, with that money held in transit until the Hopepeak returned with the next shipment.
 
The Third Officer made it noticeably clear to the Chinese Commander that if I were shot, there would be no further wheat sent to Red China, and the fight over what had already been supplied would be arbitrated on, with the shipowners winning on appeal because they had completed their first part of the deal. This threat worked, and I returned from delivering this letter in a daze.
 
After arriving in Sydney on 17 September 1967, I provided the above and below information to the Commonwealth Police and to a newspaper journalist whom the ship’s agent had contacted.
 
While the ship was in China, for twenty‑four hours a day (night and day), we could hear a loud voice coming from speakers attached to floodlight poles on the quayside, which allowed the wharf labourers to work through the night. In English (not in Chinese), the voice was making propaganda statements about British imperialism. The constant drone of the propaganda recordings, day and night, was unnerving. A sentry box had been placed at the bottom of the ship’s gangway, where a Red Guard — sometimes two Guards — stood (not sat) to check the credentials of everyone boarding or leaving the ship. The ship’s crew, from officers down, were told we could have shore leave but only to visit the Seaman’s Mission and a shop that sold trinkets and large bottles of Chinese‑made beer.
 
No fishing lines were allowed to go over the side of the ship. Some of the ship’s crew were treated differently from others. For reasons not known, our crew was being treated harshly. Rumours had it that two young Chinese girls had been seen on a sister ship to ours and had been shot as prostitutes. Their bodies no longer belonged to the People’s Republic of China. Those two bodies were left with the sister ship to the Hopepeak. While these were only rumours, that may have been why our ship had been singled out.
 
When I found out who was Australia’s Minister of the Army, I wrote to the Minister, Malcolm Fraser, asking him to ensure Australia refrained from sending more grain back to Red China on the Hopepeak with a new crew. The ship still left for Communist China, carrying 13,600 tons of wheat, despite my pleas. Australia will, of course, never find out how much of that wheat went into the bellies of the North Vietnamese soldiers/guerrillas before they marched off into the jungles of Vietnam in search of Australian, New Zealand, and USA blood.
 
John McEwen could not afford for the Australian public to see behind the stand of the crew of a British ship, saying, “We are not going to be a party to the slaughter of those conscripts that the Australian government forced to forfeit their lives for a few bowls of grain.” That’s what the crew of the Hopepeak did: put their seaman discharge books on the line, knowing some of them might not be allowed to sail again until an investigation proved them to be of sound judgment for having been forced to take the cargo they refused to take to Red China, aware it was being redeployed to North Vietnam. For a seaman to have their discharge book stamped "Voyage Not Completed" meant that some shipping companies would refuse to employ them. Sir John McEwen (Australia’s Trade Minister) turned these British seamen’s bravery into something sordid.
 
File Number 114 ⇒ is a letter dated 11 November 1994 from John Wynack, Director of Investigations at the Commonwealth Ombudsman’s Office, to Frank Blount, Telstra’s CEO. The letter indicates how desperate I was becoming. I believe in this letter, Mr Wynack made it quite clear to Mr Blount that he would be more than a little concerned if my allegations were proved correct regarding Telstra deliberately blanking out information on documents previously supplied under FOI, and the withholding of relevant documents which discussed my conversation with the former Prime Minister of Australia. What had Telstra deleted from this discussion?
 
I had alerted Mr Fraser to my concern that the government was concealing what it knew about its wrongdoings in the redeployment of grain to North Vietnam to feed the enemy that Australia, New Zealand, and the US were fighting.

I reiterate: how can a country like Australia sell their produce (wheat) to Communist China on humanitarian grounds when Communist China was redeploying some of that wheat to another Communist country (North Vietnam), which was the enemy of Australia? The same enemy who was killing and maiming young Australian lives, and the young lives of Australia’s allies, New Zealand and the USA — young lives (mostly conscripts) who were never to see their homeland again.

I ask every visitor to this website to read the footnote pages 82-85 of the paper Food and Trade in Late Maoist China, 1960–1978, prepared by Tianxiao Zhu. The paper discusses the Hopepeak ship I was on between June and September 1967, which went to Communist China during the Vietnam War.

I have mentioned some tough memories from my short stay in China, including witnessing some pretty horrific scenes. Understandably, these experiences have stayed with me and affected my sleep until recently, when I started writing about them. We must acknowledge and address these kinds of events, so I wanted to share a resource with you — a first‑hand account from a Chinese girl who witnessed similar events. You can find it at the link https://shorturl.at/ltv89. It’s frustrating when those in positions of power try to downplay or deny what’s happening, as John McEwen did. We must hold our leaders accountable for their actions and their words. In this case, I think it’s only right that the Australian government apologise to those who were dismissed as liars by McEwen.

Confronting uncomfortable truths is never easy, but it is necessary to move forward. It’s essential to recognise that, thanks to the unwavering support of the British seamen who stood by me and refused to return to China, my British Seaman’s book received a clean discharge. This meant I could continue to pick up British‑manned ships in Australia and Britain, despite the not‑so‑Hon. John McEwen’s disregard for the welfare of others.
Please read Chapters 1 to 12 below and learn how my China episode affected my life even after I purchased the Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp in February 1988.

 

 

 

 

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“…the very large number of persons that had been forced into an arbitration process and have been obliged to settle as a result of the sheer weight that Telstra has brought to bear on them as a consequence where they have faced financial ruin if they did not settle…”

Senator Carr

“Only I know from personal experience that your story is true, otherwise I would find it difficult to believe. I was amazed and impressed with the thorough, detailed work you have done in your efforts to find justice”

Sister Burke

“I am writing in reference to your article in last Friday’s Herald-Sun (2nd April 1993) about phone difficulties experienced by businesses.

I wish to confirm that I have had problems trying to contact Cape Bridgewater Holiday Camp over the past 2 years.

I also experienced problems while trying to organise our family camp for September this year. On numerous occasions I have rung from both this business number 053 424 675 and also my home number and received no response – a dead line.

I rang around the end of February (1993) and twice was subjected to a piercing noise similar to a fax. I reported this incident to Telstra who got the same noise when testing.”

Cathy Lindsey

“…your persistence to bring about improvements to Telecom’s country services. I regret that it was at such a high personal cost.”

Hon David Hawker

“…your persistence to bring about improvements to Telecom’s country services. I regret that it was at such a high personal cost.”

The Hon David Hawker MP

“Only I know from personal experience that your story is true, otherwise I would find it difficult to believe. I was amazed and impressed with the thorough, detailed work you have done in your efforts to find justice”

Sister Burke

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